If ideology is as powerful as positions like this say, then whence all of the opposition to the "dominant paradigm" coming from liberal arts departments? Do academics have think-outside-the-box superpowers or something? — Pneumenon
One could suggest that those academics have the quite ordinary power to think from within a
different box, that is, that they are reasoning under the impetus of a different, more progressive, ideology. However I think there also is some relevance here to Donald Davidson's insistence that there aren't several incommensurate conceptual schemes. And, at the same time, I much appreciate the Kuhnian notion of a plurality of paradigms. So, how can those various ideas be reconciled?
A slightly different suggestion might be devised for the case of the analysis of the theoretical paradigms of the natural sciences than the one that follows. In the case of the ideologies -- i.e. the practical/political paradigms that we encounter in the political arena -- I think it may be useful to distinguish (1) the abstract, general, principles that typically are adduced in support of an ideology (2) and the salient concerns that animate this ideology (and that motivate its adherents). It may be excessively narrow a focus on the general principles that makes it appear like competing political ideologies are incommensurate. However, generally, most of the basic
individual concerns (for e.g. health, freedom, dignity, etc.) that animate them are shared among proponents of the clashing ideologies. The concerns being (mostly) shared is most evident in the vast amount of ordinary cases of daily life where citizens of various political persuasions easily agree about what is vitally needed, what is decent/indecent, and what it is reasonable to do in specific situations. This stock of shared concerns, and shared ideas regarding the proper arbitration between them, provides the vast background of agreement against with residual disagreements that are characteristic of specific ideologies are salient and intelligible. (This is the broadly Davidsonian point).
The defining principles of ideologies are stated in quite general terms and are acknowledged by the proponents of them not to apply universally, that is, to have exceptions or to require the open ended adjonction of
ceteris paribus clauses in order to be sensibly applied. Those principles can be conceived as attempts to articulate broad guidelines about which specific concerns should be accorded priority in specific practical decision contexts (executive actions, judgments, enactment of specific policies, etc.) So, while proponents of competing ideologies share most of the same individual concerns, they disagree in specific cases (necessarily a minority of cases, if Davidson is right) about which among several concerns, or practical ends -- that can't all be simultaneously met in a specific situation -- must be accorded priority. The root of those disagreements often are understood by the proponents of
ideology-A, say, not as stemming from illegitimate concerns stressed by proponents of
ideology-B, but rather are blamed on too rigid an adhesion from them to the general, abstract, principles that articulate their ideology. Simply put, liberals (say) accuse conservatives of systematic bias and vice versa.
This may seem like a rather trivial conclusion, and in a way it is, but what I want to stress is that blaming the impasse (when there is an impasse) on the rival ideology, misconstrued as being rigidly embodied by its generally stated guiding principles, often mislocates the source of the disagreement. The genuine disagreement rather often concerns which among several (mostly shared) concerns ought to be accorded priority in specific cases. Explicit ideological 'principles' only are rough attempts to articulate or systematize,
a posteriori, systems of priority primarily founded on practical reason and tested in specific cases (and then enshrined in case law, jurisprudence, or embodied in practical wisdom). Practical reason doesn't proceed from the top-down, starting from highly general principles in order to apply them to specific cases. The explicit principles of an ideology lack too much specificity in order to be applied like that. Practical reason rather operates dialectically from the mutual adjustment between specific concerns (e.g. acknowledgment of specific needs of individuals) and more general concerns such as the concerns for justice or fairness. The general party lines, and statements found in national constitutions, are lame attempts to codify this.