Could you clarify what does 'progress' mean you?There is no winning option on the right. The culture will continue to change in the direction it always has. Like I said above, there are two options: progress, or slower progress. — Kev
You can look at Boris Johnson defence of Winston Churchill statues or the last Trump’s speech Mount Rushmore speech, he made his 'defence' of American heritage (and Mount Rushmore monuments) one of the main messages of his campaign.Generally, you are right. Yet, in the UK and the US there is no complete political consensus.
— Number2018
There isn't? What about on issues of the past? — Kev
What do you mean by "Specific policies are irrelevant, the general constitution of the power structure is what progresses"?This has always been the case. Things either progress, or progress slowly; those are the options. Specific policies are irrelevant, the general constitution of the power structure is what progresses. . — Kev
Public opinion becomes more and more powerful, and more and more people try to get ahead of it for their own little piece of power. And there is no cost to the public that can be directly linked to having the wrong opinion, so there is no self-correction. — Kev
There is no winning option on the right. The culture will continue to change in the direction it always has — Kev
I think we’re past the culture wars. One side didn’t show up. Thus most institutions lean in a certain direction. Nowadays it’s closer to a cultural revolution than war. — NOS4A2
The war is not for culture, though. It's for power. One side doesn't want it, they just want to stop the power grab. They're too concerned with culture, because "politics is downstream of culture." Well, that depends on the power structure. — Kev
I think the “right” “Silicon Valley Libertarian” does the top pattern with regards to norms and the bottom pattern, to a lesser extent, with an elitist lean, with regards to facts.
Meanwhile the “left” “Social Justice Warrior” does the top pattern with regards to facts and the bottom pattern, to a lesser extent, with a populist lean, with regards to norms. — Pfhorrest
Do you think that these two groups of stereotypes and their supporters do initiate the current cultural conflict? If not, we need to find the divisive imperative. It is not clear if it is possible to single out the primary determinant. Can the ongoing debate about racial inequality function in such a manner? Does it leave room for neutrality or reticence in American society? Do people have to choose between opposite views on American history, the symbolic significance of the familiar cultural landscape, the acceptable limits of violence during protests, the legitimacy of certain political discourses, etc.? If yes, there is Hunter's culture war situation: " The actual diversity of attitude, opinion, and belief in the general population is not reflected in the kind of artificially polarized rhetoric of the special purpose groups … Plurality is reduced to duality; polyphony is quickly reduced to a crude, hackneyed, and discordant diaphone."I was hoping this thread would be more on the culture war between what I'd colloquially term the "Silicon Valley Libertarian" and the "Social Justice Warrior" stereotypes, reckoned "right" and "left" respectively, though inaccurately. — Pfhorrest
From what philosophical position can you articulate your judgement?both sides are philosophically wrong in one way about factual matters and philosophically wrong in the opposite way about normative matters, — Pfhorrest
what better time to pull down a statue of George Washington and set in on fire. — ssu
Don't you think that pulling down statues of Washington, Jefferson, and Lincoln would perfectly fitBut likely it will be even worse. If you think this is the low point, you will be surprised how more low and stupid it can get. — ssu
Culture wars is a trap that we have fallen in for. — ssu
I read Chomsky a while ago. Please correct me if I misunderstand or misinterpreted him.If you'd like to know where to start, read your Chomsky. — fishfry
It has happened before but revolutions do not come out as those who fight them hope because they go into them to destroy the existing power and do not have a plan for destroying power, so when the fighting is over, those who understand power take over, and at first people are glad for their leadership, then they realize it is not the leadership they want. — Athena
The American revolution began as an intellectual revolution and that needs to be repeated to get a good outcome to a revolution. — Athena
Chomsky supports BLM.[/quote
I could not imagine that Chomsky is relevant to understand what is going on in the US
right now. May be, we should go back to Althusser and even to earlier leftist theorists? — EricH
Black Lives Matter, the organization, takes in huge amounts of money in contributions from corporations. — fishfry
All of a sudden the New York Times wants to destroy Mt. Rushmore? Where'd that come from? — fishfry
Powerful interests are funding the "spontaneous" protests. — fishfry
Isn't this obvious? — Banno
Yes, and the rich and powerful are winning. They always win. :sad: — praxis
There's nothing grass roots about what's going on. It's top-down. — fishfry
I agree with you. There are different attempts to frame the current protest. One of them is that we indeed deal with a revolutionary situation that could lead to the fundamental systemic changes. In contrast to this narrative, the establishment has tried to be ahead of the events so far. It provides the protests with the media and the public opinion’ support. Yet, a few revolutions, followed by the drastic systemic changes, started from the elitist upheaval. The ongoing event can acquire its own dynamics and get out of any possible control.nobody can predict the future. But any systemic solution to the systemic problems would have to involve some kind economic rearrangement and redistribution... intensification of political correctness is just more cosmetics that don't go to the heart of the problem. And I just don't see them voluntarily going against their (economic) interest. — ChatteringMonkey
So far, it is too early to make any predictions. Some people noted that one of the tangible results of the ongoing protests is the intensification of political correctness. All in all, it could functiononly real threats to that system will prompt a real reaction. — ChatteringMonkey
When the media focus and our focus is turned somewhere else and when in a few years similar issues rise again. — ssu
Changing a whole legal system is a daunting task. Doing something about systemic inequality is another. — ssu
So what do you think of the current situation? Will be there the significant improvement of the systemic problems? What could make the current protest unique is the broad support of the mainstream media, the considerable part of the political elite, and big corporations. I do not remember any similar cases in the recent history. You can compare it with Hon-Kong. Or, the Yellow Vests Movement in France was brutally crushed by the government, completely backed by the media and the political establishment. The question is if the media and the elite intent to deal withIt's not about the meaning of the protests, it's just what happens afterwards. — ssu
Yes, the OWS was cleared away in the middle of the night in November without any media present in a coordinated operation and then it disappeared after 2012. You can argue that it was different. Well there were similarities... — ssu
What exactly can we learn from the past to understand the meaning of the current protest?you might learn something from the past before thinking that this now everything is so totally different — ssu
Perhaps more organized force is required for enduring change on the level rightly desired by the movement. — fdrake
It is possible to radicalize your position as not sufficiently left.How many years of merely symbolic protest must be endured? All it creates is minor collateral damage, leaving the conscience of every oppressor fundamentally unswayed. — fdrake
You are right. Yet, even ‘those who prefer to talk to others in person or read a newspaper or books’ would inevitably feel the pressure of the new styles of writing, reading, communicating, and socializing. Individuals that cannot or do not want to adapt themselves could be ostracizedI think we all know there's a difference between people who live on social media 24/7 and those who prefer to talk to others in person or read a newspaper or books. — Outlander
I will continue my line of argumentation: let say that 'the concerned reader' stays away from being actively engaged in social media. However, social media is not just one more medium of communication. The social has been moved to the cyberspace. This transformation has reshaped our society's social fabric: it affects how we see each other, ourselves, and our world. Regarding 'the concerned reader,' somebody said that there are no readers anymore, there are just users.You get to see the judgements, views, and opinions of billions of people you don't know and may not ever. What does that do for the concerned reader? — Outlander
Trump is the innovator and front runner of social media. He expresses the instantaneous reactions and judgments of the mass of his base. They are not supposed to discuss and reflect - they enjoy a sense of community and membership. Further, there is no time for discussions: the mass should catch up with the speed of the media evens. Their production presupposes the specific regime of truth and relation to social reality – ‘fake news.’I've always found it odd how on Trump's twitter posts even the top comments rarely ever have more than a few thousand retweets. And only a few replies down you have very few comments and discussions. — Outlander
I think that YouTube is the one more platform of social media. One can communicate and express a variety of things, but there is also a selection and competition created by the mass of users. It also functions like the production of eco-chambers.Do you count the early days of YouTube as 'social media' or would you say that's reserved for the social network/microblogging explosion? — Outlander
It is precisely the point that I want to discuss again. We can instantaneously share our judgments, moral views, perspectives, emotions, feelings, and perceptions due to social media. The inner dimensions of our individual existence are momentarily transmitted to the most encompassing level of global social networking. Our continuous engagement animates the dynamic of individualization processes and compensates for the progressive loosening of the traditional social fabric. Social media creates a space where the wide-ragingly social resonates with the intensively individual.Social media has redefined any definition of media. We see something good, bad, or sad, we can share it. In an instant. It truly is the people's house. — Outlander
I can't entirely agree. Speed and acceleration have been increasing compared to the Middle Ages when the whole generations did not experience (subjectively) any changes.I don't think you or I can ever name a period in history where society wasn't rapidly changing. — Outlander
It is right. But what are the changes? Probably, the content has become more instantaneous, turbulent, momentarily, and affective, carrying with it much less formalized, rational, and founded on knowledge meaning.Social media has redefined any definition of media. We see something good, bad, or sad, we can share it. In an instant. It truly is the people's house. — Outlander
I see it differently. As far as I know, in most western countries the dominating media platforms manifestMost media sources, large corporate ones or personal channels tend to lean toward one political persuasion or the other. It's more or less balanced — Outlander
I think each majority political view has its problems, rather extremes that can lead to bad outcomes. And some simply view one as 'more restrictive' or 'less wholesome'. It's a delicately balanced yin and yang I suppose. — Outlander
You could read Weibel's essay mentioned in OP of this thread.You seem to delve into some aspects of violence in certain settings and that's alright by me. What would be interesting is a theory that explains the cause of violent actions. — TheMadFool
Do you mind expanding on the underlined bit? — TheMadFool
I think we're going off topic. But it's a very tough subject that can't be avoided in a thread about violence. — David Mo
Yes. All in all, violence (negatively understood) is not determined through theories and definitions.Can you formulate a theory of violence, one that explains the origin of, perpetuation of, and end to, violence with duality? — TheMadFool
There are important differences comparing with the Occupy protests of 2011. I think that the media coverage as well as the general public support has changed.From what I’ve seen it’s pretty vacuous in terms of politics. It reminds me of the Occupy protests. — NOS4A2
Probably. But to air on the side of safety. For many folk when it comes to things that don't immediately and blatantly affect them, "things don't matter until they do."
Basically, they do. Some are just less relevant than others. That is to say can exist without major coverage.
31 minutes ago — Outlander
The problem of ‘how can power be desired?’, (‘how can the subjugated group support domination?’) has allowed to develop the conceptual framework, explaining fascism as well as the contemporary capitalist production of our subjectivities.
— Number2018
Sure. It's popularly known as the carrot and stick policy. If the carrot doesn't work to get the donkey to walk, the stick is used. The problem is that at the end you don't know if people are because of the carrot or because they are afraid of the stick. Within human psychology there is a reluctance to recognize that if you do something it is because you are a coward. Then you become a fanatic of the tyrant and hate those who draw attention to your cowardice and immorality. This is a classic of all cultures and submissions.
The coward who is caught hitting the weakest one with the herd, instead of stopping, he will intensify the blows to show that he does it this way because he is very macho. — David Mo
What Trump needs to do is double down on his MAGA platform, and he will. There will be zero Trump supporters who will change their vote due to what you see as a major change in ideology. — Hanover
The domination of systemic racismNo predictions are really clear. It's all speculation, but I really can't see middle America finding anything acceptable about defunding the police. In fact, there is tremendous support for the police nationwide. It's just been silenced for the moment. I don't even think the African American leadership is totally comfortable with these attacks on police departments. Most big cities are Democratically controlled, meaning the mayors and police chiefs are typically Democrats and oftentimes minority. I'm not fully convinced that even inner city minority citizens want to see police withdrawal from their communities, as I've heard their complaints in the past were that it took too long in their communities for the police to arrive, if at all. — Hanover
You mentioned four possible future outcomes, and you rejected the first one as least probable, becausebut what do we see as the predicted outcome of the current awakening to racial inequities? Is it that people will do as you suggest and throw their very being into its elimination, or will they march while the marches take place and then go back to business as usual, or will they hold their breath until all this passes, or will they recommit to protecting the institution that they never thought racist in the first place?
My prediction is that they will not do as you think they should, but that it will likely be one of the other approaches — Hanover
Your first option may become much more probable if the momentum of the movementLeaving aside the question of how bad and systemic the problem truly is, unless you are the one oppressed, it is unlikely you will spend the time trying to resolve the problem, whatever it is. — Hanover
If the people are constituted through a complex interplay of performance, image, acoustics, and the various technologies engaged in those productions, then “media” is not just reporting who the people claim to be, but media has entered to the very definition of the people. — Number2018
Yes, I think so. If you read Weibel’s essay, mentioned in OP, you could find that there is the evolution of perspectives on violence, starting from Benjamin and Schmitt to Derrida and Agamben. The simple view on violence considers it as the direct and primary device of the state’s domination. On the contrary, their thought is based on the assumption of the negation of the negation. The primary domain of violence has gradually become hidden and indiscernible. Thus, for Agamben, the dialectics of inclusion/exclusion leads to conclude that “human life…included in the juridical order solely in the form of its exclusion (that is, of its capacity to be killed)” (Giorgio Agamben, Homo Sacer).It is the matter of the state of things.
— Number2018
Don't you think that this is actually part of the problem? — Heiko
Systemic racism obtains when a system(s) function (regardless of explicit rules) to favour certain racial groups over others. It doesn't require overt individual racists (though it may protect and even reward them) nor does it necessarily require any conscious acts of racism at all (and obversely you could have conscious acts of racism in a system where no systemic racism exists, only rather than being performative of the system, they would be antithetical to it). Systems are culturally contextual, they're embedded in cultures and how they function depends on their relationship to the culture they're in. So, often it's what the system allows rather than what the system demands that's important. — Baden
Thank you for the excellent point! Indeed, we could think that there is no violence when one behaves as a good citizen in the absence of the apparent state's exercise of coercive or violent ways of power. For Deleuze and Guattari, there is no citizen (or subject) before the synthesis of the unconscious. There is not a conscious I that produces, but a process of production of which the I is a kind of product. The aim of psychoanalysis is to aid the repression of the drives and strengthen the ego's adaptation to reality.Where exactly would the difference between the "positive" picture and the defining negatives be when we are talking about conscious processes? You can not think a "citizen" without a "state", but behaving like a citizen where there is no state might be possible. That is for the negation of the negation. But when we are talking about the "state" symbol there is the notion of "souvereignity" and we know the authority, although it is referred as a symbol and (hopefully or not) never realized. — Heiko
Symbolic violence.
The negative prejudices and stereotypes that are reproduced by institutions are a central factor in institutional violence and a trigger for personal violence.
Symbolic violence encourages the adoption of discriminatory or coercive positions in ideology, economics, gender relations, destruction of nature, etc. It is based on an extensive network of values assimilated from childhood and then reinforced by society's legal norms to inculcate in us an oppressive culture because it is uncritical and prepares us for passive and/or active submission to unfair structures. For example, public stereotypes about the immigrant or atheist can support the passivity of authorities in the face of labour exploitation or a legislation or practice that prevents access to public office based on religious beliefs. — David Mo
I do not think that Foucault's aim was to authorize the means of domination.It looks like his intention was to make them discernible. He attacked the dominating academic framework, pointing out tohidden and ubiquitous forms of power. These strategies were much more subversive and effective than the direct and apparent criticism.You give a soft idea of Foucault. As if he authorizes all means of domination that are not directly violent. I remind you that on discipline and punishment he wrote more than one book and on "pastoral power" he made a very harsh criticism in volume I of the History of Sexuality. For example: Under the pretext of ensuring the salvation of the sheep, the shepherd builds a subtle device of power, capable of unfolding even over the intimate solitude of the believer and leading him towards a new form of widespread servitude. — David Mo
simply forcing every teenager to stay locked up for several hours a day listening to uninteresting talk is violence. Even more so when he can be qualified as "unfit" or "very deficient" -or similar. — David Mo
You give a soft idea of Foucault. — David Mo
You don't need to be very patient to see the state go berserk. We get images every day. — David Mo