The principle is to lie frequently so that people don't know when to believe and when not to. — frank
I don't think he ever said anything negative about Ukraine, did he? Except maybe the Nazi Ukrainians. — frank
There have been articles about it. It's a tactic for creating a general information fog. — frank
you just discount everything he says because it's all lies. — frank
I also don't think that if on some particular point, if an argument is given that happens to coincide with Russia's views, it must be "propaganda". — Manuel
if one can't rely on evidence to discriminate between conflicting theories, then how to discriminate — neomac
It's like the ludicrously idiotic idea that if Poland would have accepted Germany's demands (Danzig and the corridor to East Prussia), WW2 would have been prevented and Hitler would have announced that "Germany is satisfied with it's territories" and Hitler's Germany and the World would peacefully coexisted until the present. As if Hitler would be that kind of guy, who builds up a mighty army and never uses it (and forgets everything he has promised to do in his book). — ssu
I believe the argument is that sentient creatures would have the same basic interests as human beings, which I suppose could be summarised as the freedom to pursue their own lives as they see fit. — Graeme M
what we do today by industrialising so much of our interactions with nature seems needing some kind of constraint. — Graeme M
we could pose the claim that we want things to be good for other people because they have feelings about being alive. — Graeme M
It just seems good to want others to feel good (be happy rather than unhappy). — Graeme M
we should pay more attention to protecting their interests — Graeme M
Yeah Putin/Russian military is killing people to gain territory. How is that disputed? Where is the dispute? — schopenhauer1
It is unlikely that the leaked report was an anti-war statement when surrounded by all the celebration of the strike. — Paine
doesn't look like Putin is going anywhere. — jorndoe
What do you think of a neutral Ukraine? — jorndoe
It is a break in established policy for either of the sources to speak of it. If it was an anonymous senior official, that could be an intended leak. — Paine
I don't see the value in doing that since it helps the Moscow messaging. — Paine
Do you have a link from the Times story? I cannot find it. — Paine
the NYT - https://www.nytimes.com/2022/10/08/world/europe/ukraine-crimea-bridge-explosion.html
A senior Ukrainian official corroborated Russian reports that Ukraine was behind the attack. The official, speaking on the condition of anonymity because of a government ban on discussing the blast, added that Ukraine’s intelligence services had orchestrated the explosion, using a bomb loaded onto a truck being driven across the bridge. — Isaac
Ironically perhaps, Putin's war has put Russia at risk. — jorndoe
If the US was seen as pushing for negotiations, it would weaken Ukraine's hand in those negotiations. — Olivier5
Yes, that would have been breaking news everywhere if confirmed. — Paine
The Ukrainian special forces immediately admitted having carried out the attack to the New York Times. — World Socialist Web Site
The official, speaking on the condition of anonymity because of a government ban on discussing the blast, added that Ukraine’s intelligence services had orchestrated the explosion — New York Times
So you agree that Obama could have generated a military conflict over Crimea. — frank
Putin's regime, fueled largely by a boom in the oil industry.[9][10][11] However, lower oil prices and sanctions for Russia's annexation of Crimea led to recession and stagnation in 2015 that has persisted into the present day.
From the State Department's website: — ssu
US is Costa Rica's largest trading partner and the countries have had good relations — ssu
I follow the New York Times and I didn't see such a claim published there. This would have been front page news everywhere if true. Notably, there is no link or any other reference. — SophistiCat
An unnamed senior Ukrainian Official corroborated this theory, telling the New York Times, Ukrainian special forces orchestrated the attack, loading a bomb onto a truck.
A senior Ukrainian official corroborated Russian reports that Ukraine was behind the attack. The official, speaking on the condition of anonymity because of a government ban on discussing the blast, added that Ukraine’s intelligence services had orchestrated the explosion, using a bomb loaded onto a truck being driven across the bridge.
Is that enough? — neomac
How would you negotiate with someone who is rational and yet who has constructed his own echo chamber of disinformation as to the power he wields? What inflated set of terms would he be willing to accept? And having inflamed the whole of Ukraine as a nation, why would anyone expect them to accept a patently bad deal? — apokrisis
You might have objected that it's incoherent or with little explanatory power and consequently I would have asked you for proofs. — neomac
if you claim: “I'm quite happy with your position. I don't agree with it, but I've neither the interest, nor have any clue how I would go about 'disproving' it”, then why on earth do you keep making objections? — neomac
So my political support for Ukrainian struggles is grounded more on the reasoning I exposed earlier (see https://thephilosophyforum.com/discussion/comment/746949). Reasoning and evidences grounded on historical/geopolitical assumptions that go beyond this war — neomac
- How about “my figures” to support option 1 according to my standards? Here: how likely is that a pro-West country can implement human rights by being within the Western sphere of influence (so within NATO and EU) than by being within the sphere of influence of an anti-West Russia with a poorer implementation of human rights (see first step), if not now in the future? I say it’s more likely, based on historical evidence — neomac
the Western human rights tradition cannot be equated with the contemporary human rights regime, which differs from its pre-1945 predecessors (Moyn, 2012). It was not the gradual increase of declarations or a smooth combination of natural law and citizenship rights that led to the foundation of the international human rights regime, but rather the international reaction to the genocide and atrocities committed by National Socialist Germany
Interpreting the pre-1945 declarations in their historical contexts reveals that they were not fully embraced by Western societies at the time but were the subject of highly controversial struggles (Bielefeldt, 2007: 182f.).3 What is more, pre-1945 non-Western movements and struggles encompassed similar or even further-reaching ideas that provided a foundation for human rights.
Critical accounts identify a tendency to overemphasize human rights violations in the Global South. This tends to construct a non-Western “other” that needs to be saved by Western states (Chakrabarty, 2008; Kapur, 2006). Thereby, the human rights regime creates a dichotomy between the Western embracement and the non-Western violation of human rights (Mutua, 2008). This dichotomy neglects human rights violations in Western states and disregards the complicity of the latter with the former (Chowdhry, 2005).
Deliberations within UN human rights for a highlight fault lines characterized by regional, substantial, and strategic alliances, not simply Western versus non-Western states. Human rights activists and diplomats from the Global South use the human rights framework to strengthen their demands. In a recent example, a group of non-Western states initiated a working group dedicated to drafting a binding treaty for corporate responsibility for human rights. The group was led by Ecuador and South Africa, and supported by Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Kyrgyzstan, Cuba, Nicaragua, Bolivia, Venezuela, Kenya, Namibia, and Peru, among others, as well as by NGOs from all parts of the world. Although their proposal was opposed by the USA, the United Kingdom, France, Austria, Germany, and the European Union, they were successful in that the UN Human Rights Council founded an intergovernmental working group (Mende, 2017) that published its Zero Draft in 2018. — Janne Mende, Department of International Relations, Institute of Political Science, Justus Liebig University
Fifty-eight countries assembled in 1948 to affirm their “faith in the dignity and worth of all persons” in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, wherein a framework for preserving that dignity and fostering respect for its worth was offered. Among these states were, African, Asian, and Latin American countries. Thirty-seven states were associated with Judeo-Christian traditions; 11 Islamic; six Marxist; and four identified as being associated with Buddhist-Confucian traditions.
...It was Egyptian delegate, Omar Lutfi, who proposed that the UDHR reference the “universality” of human rights
...social and economic rights were placed on the agenda as a result of pushes from the Arab States and the Soviet bloc, respectively.
...the Soviet bloc, which demanded more emphasis on socio‐economic rights than referenced in the document
...the UDHR was formed with major influence from non-Western states, thereby giving it legitimacy as a truly universally-applicable charter to guide humanity’s pursuit of peace and security.
...states like Chile, Jamaica, Argentina, Ghana, the Philippines and others were vanguards for the advancement of concepts such as “protecting,” in addition to “promoting” human rights.
In 1963, for example, fourteen non-Western UN member states requested that the General Assembly include a discussion on the Violation of Human Rights in South Viet-Nam on its agenda, alleging that the Diem regime had been perpetuating violations of rights of Vietnamese Buddhists in the country
in 1967, a cross-regional group of states from Africa, Asia, the Middle East, and the Caribbean secured the adoption of two commission resolutions, establishing the first two Special Procedure mandates: the Ad-Hoc Working Group of Experts on southern Africa and the Special Rapporteur on Apartheid. The special procedures mechanism was thus established. Both resolutions were adopted by a vote, with most Western countries abstaining. — Dr. Ahmed Shaheed - UN Special Rapporteur
- How about “my figures” to question option 2 according to my standards?
Here: “How likely is strategy 2 going to succeed? And how long is it going to take? The West has supported protests and political change for decades in Iran, North Korea, Russia and China with what results for their population's human rights? How about the ex-soviet union countries that had the chance to join NATO and EU? — neomac
Funding makes wars. Isn't that your argument? — frank
Obama has been criticized for setting the stage for the present crisis by not acting decisively then.
So the notion is that if we don't punch Russia in the nose now, it's going to continue taking things. Biden wants Putin gone. He's already publicly stated that. — frank
A war could have happened. — frank
And somehow the US passed up an opportunity to blow some shit up. :chin: — frank
Sell them weapons? Who sold anybody any weapons? — frank
Oh, c'mon. Be genuine for a second — frank
So one cannot say that the US is evidently blocking negotiations. It is not. — Olivier5
Let's face it: the Ukrainians are not really interested at this point, and nor are the Russians. — Olivier5
One of the reasons it doesn't make much sense to point to arms dealing as the main reason for American involvement is that Obama declined to take forceful action when Russia took Crimea in 2014. You have to explain what changed between now and then. — frank
And believe it is morally commendable. — Manuel
I have said I don't know, over 10 times that what Russia is doing is criminal. I don't know if you want me to recite a poem about how stupid this decision was. — Manuel
If you don’t want to play this game, I don’t care. If you don’t want to play this game with me, then stop answering me. — neomac
But it can be a means to achieve “humanitarian goal” if by “humanitarian goal” you are referring to human rights as we, in western democracies, understand them and sovereignty can be a pre-condition for the implementation of state apparatuses supporting human rights. — neomac
Let’s assume for the sake of the argument that “In 2 fewer die” is correct and that that’s all that counts. How likely is strategy 2 going to succeed? And how long is it going to take? — neomac
You're probably right. — frank
I regret to inform that your government is not in Washington but in London. — Olivier5
Let's say the US support is more diversified, but in terms of armor, Russia's abandoned tanks and carriers did 'give' to Ukraine more than all western nations combined. — Olivier5
Here you go: — Olivier5
The Ukrainian army is not confirming whether these numbers are accurate
Even so, Ukraine’s counteroffensive largely depends on the supply of modern weapons from its NATO allies.
460 Russian main battle tanks, 92 self-propelled howitzers, 448 infantry fighting vehicles, 195 armored fighting vehicles and 44 multiple-launch rocket systems,
Major weapons
High Mobility Artillery Rocket Systems (HIMARS) and ammunition
The U.S. has committed 16 HIMARS since late-May. It is a lighter wheeled system that can allow Ukrainians to hit Russian targets within Ukraine from further distances.
1,500 Tube-Launched, Optically-Tracked, Wire-Guided (TOW) missiles
Manufactured by Raytheon, the TOW missiles are long-range precision, anti-tank and assault weapons that can hit targets up to 4,500 meters away.
155mm Howitzers
A towed field artillery piece that can hit targets up to 30 km, or 18 miles away. The U.S. has sent 126 of these howitzers, along with 806,000 155mm artillery rounds and 126 tactical vehicles to tow the howitzers.
105mm Howitzers
The U.S. committed to sending 16 105mm howitzers and 108,000 105mm artillery rounds to go with the howitzers. The United Kingdom has already provided the L119 model, which is a light weight howitzer that can provide direct fire support at armored vehicles or buildings or indirect fire to support combat arms in ranges over 10 km, or 6 miles.
120mm mortar systems
The U.S. Army uses three versions of the 120mm mortar systems, but they are designed to provide close-range, quick-response indirect fire during tactical combat. The U.S. has sent 20 of these systems, as well as 85,000 rounds of 120mm mortar ammunition.
National Advanced Surface-to-Air Missile Systems (NASAMS);
The National Advanced Surface-to-Air Missile System, also known as the Norwegian Advanced Surface-to-Air Missile System, are advanced air-defense systems that can hit targets up to 100 miles away. The U.S. has committed to sending eight NSAMS, along with munitions for the systems.
Phoenix Ghost Tactical Unmanned Aerial Systems
The U.S. has committed approximately 700 Phoenix ‘Ghost’ drones to Ukraine between April and July. The systems, made by AEVEX Aerospace, are designed to attack targets.
Switchblade Tactical Unmanned Aerial Systems
The U.S. has sent over 700 Switchblade drones to Ukraine since March. There are two types of Switchblade drones and the U.S. has sent both, those its unclear how many of each type Washington has sent.
The Switchblade 300 weighs about five pounds and can fly roughly 6 miles, and is intended to target personnel and light vehicles. However, the Switchblade 600 can fly more than 24 miles and can stay in the air for 40 minutes.
Puma unmanned aerial systems
The Pentagon awarded AeroVironment $19.7 million in April to produce the Puma AE RQ-20 system for Ukraine. Designed for reconnaissance and surveillance, it has a range of 20 km, or about 12 miles, and has over three hours of flight endurance.
Mi-17 helicopters
The U.S. has provided 20 of the Soviet-era transport helicopters that can also be used as a helicopter gunship. Can carry as many as 30 passengers or 9,000 pounds of cargo
Harpoon coastal defense systems
The U.S. announced in June that it would provide two vehicle-mounted Harpoon systems, which are intended for coastal defense. The U.S. said in June that it would provide the launchers, while allies and partners would provide the missiles.
Scan Eagle Unmanned Aerial Systems
The U.S. sent 15 Scan Eagle systems as part of its Aug. 19 package to Ukraine for reconnaissance, surveillance and target acquisition. These systems are just under four feet in length, and have an altitude of 16,000 feet above ground level. The Aug. 24 weapons package included support equipment for these systems.
VAMPIRE Counter-unmanned aerial systems
The U.S. first committed to providing the VAMPIRE system in its $2.98 billion weapons package announced Aug. 24. Colin Kahl, the Pentagon’s top policy official, said the VAMPIRE uses small missiles to shoot drones out of the sky.
Stinger anti-aircraft systems
The U.S. has provided over 1,400 Stinger anti-aircraft missiles. The Stinger has a range of 5 miles and can attack targets up to 15,000 feet.
Javelin anti-armor systems
The U.S. has provided over 8,500 Javelin surface-to-air missiles. Javelin is a portable anti-tank system that can hit targets from 65 meters to 4,000 meters away in most operational circumstances.
High Speed, Anti- Radiation Missiles
The Aug. 19 weapons package included an undisclosed amount of High-speed Anti-radiation (HARM) missiles. The Pentagon first disclosed in early August that it has sent these missiles, but didn’t specified which kind or how many. However, CNN reported that the U.S. has sent the AGM-88 HARM, an air-to-surface tactical missile that has a range of at least 30 miles, and is designed to find and destroy radar-equipped air defense systems.
Over 27,000 other anti-armor systems
Other equipment and small arms
Radars
50 counter-artillery radars
Four counter-mortar radars
Four air surveillance radars
Counter-battery radar systems
Vehicles/Boats
Four Command Post vehicles
Unmanned Coastal Defense Vessels
Hundreds of Armored High Mobility Multipurpose Wheeled Vehicles
50 armored medical treatment vehicles
200 M113 Armored Personnel Carriers
18 coastal and riverine patrol boats
40 MaxxPro Mine Resistant Ambush Protected Vehicles with mine rollers
Explosives, Small Arms, Ammunition, Munitions
M18A1 Claymore anti-personnel munitions (command-detonated fixed-direction fragmentation weapon for use against personnel)
C-4 explosives, demolition munitions, and demolition equipment
Over 10,000 Grenade launchers and small arms
Over 59,000, 000 Small arms ammunition
Equipment
75,000 sets of body armor and helmets
22 Tactical Vehicles to recover equipment
Laser-guided rocket systems
Tactical secure communications systems
Night vision devices, thermal imagery systems, optics, and laser rangefinders
Commercial satellite imagery services
Explosive ordnance disposal protective gear
Chemical, Biological, Radiological, Nuclear protective equipment
Medical supplies
Electronic jamming equipment
Field equipment and spare parts
Funding for training, maintenance, and sustainment
Mine clearing equipment and systems
Likewise, you can usefully talk of the US foreign policy on TPF, if the 'use' you aim for is information exchange and/or debate with other TPFers. — Olivier5
it won't affect the US foreign policy at all. — Olivier5