Anti-Authoritarianism Apologies for the double-post, but, to explicate further:
Trigger Warning: Brief mention of domestic violence.
Let's say that there is a coalition of anti-authoritarians who effectively wage a nonviolent revolution. It'd probably be more or less comprised of, exclusively, for the sake of brevity, in terms of only political inclinations in regards attitudes towards liberty and economics, as I, of course, wouldn't exclude people concerned with racial justice, LGBTQ+ activists, environmentalists, etc. etc., but don't want for this list to be more than a paragraph long, Libertarian Communists, certain left-wing Communists, some Communization theorists, libertarian socialists, some Autonomists, Anarchists, some democratic socialists, the peace movement, some left-wing Liberals, certain Libertarians, Centrists who are ultimately sympathetic to the libertarian Left, and a set of other theoretical political philosophies that can effectively be inclined towards anti-authoritarianism. As, in order to effectively wage a nonviolent revolution, such a coalition will have needed to have gained mass support, the new political process will, then, have a majority comprised of people who are necessarily inclined towards libertarianism and, in this example, and I would argue that it does follow, egalitarianism. If you are an Individualist Anarchist, which I am not not necessarily, you would probably create a different coalition, but, for the sake of argument, permit me an example. People who were of, for lack of a better term, more authoritative political philosophies, such as less radical Liberalism, Social Democracy, less radical Centrism, or other forms of Libertarianism, would probably want to participate within the political process created by the anti-authoritarian coalition and would form a significant minority, again, for lack of a better term, pragmatic wing. I'm inventing statistics, here, at random, but, let's say that sixty percent of the populace or whatever is aligned with the anti-authoritarian coalition and twenty percent of the populace forms the pragmatic wing. Eighty percent of the populace now agrees with the new political process. That twenty percent of the populace is in opposition to the new political process as such does present a significant threat to it, but does not warrant that they can be excluded from it, as, over time, most of them can be assimilated within the pragmatic wing or may even come around to any of the anti-authoritarian political philosophies that they were in opposition to. The problem is not necessarily that there will be people who disagree with the new political process, but just that, at least, from the outset, there are bound to be people who are either "reactionary", meaning that they are of an intransigent, for lack of better term, recalcitrance wherein they are just simply opposed to the new political process without really taking anything into consideration whatsoever, or "extreme", meaning that they are willing to attempt to overturn the new political process by whatever means that they can. Let's say that only ten percent of the opposition is either reactionary or extreme, with only five percent of it being extreme. It is a test of the validity of the new political process to cope with that there will be a reactionary element. That will have to be countered within the political process. In so far that that is effective, the reactionary element will diminish. Assuming that it does, in our somewhat idealized hypothetical scenario, we have now gotten ninety-five percent of the populace to more or less agree with the new political process. Again, as this is a hypothetical situation wherein something like the network-power of the Central Intelligence Agency has been dissolved through a nonviolent revolution, I am just inventing statistics at random. How does the new political process cope with the remaining five percent? It is likely that, given such a scenario, there will be a set of political factions, exo-Fascists, various Fascists and Neo-Fascists, various Third Positionists, authoritarian Neo-Conservatives, duplicitous Neo-Liberals, various Monarchists and other people who want some sort of return to the aristocracy, certain religious fundamentalists, as well as, though it is unlikely that these two sets of people will ally themselves with one another, certain Marxist-Leninists, Maoists, Marxist-Leninist-Maoists, people who ascribe to Mao Zedong Thought, certain Populists, though, as I did frame this as being a political movement that is more or less of the libertarian Left, it is likely that people of more authoritarian left-wing political philosophies will, at least, attempt to come around to the new political process, which is not to say that they don't pose a predicament in their own right, but, just to suggest that it will differ from that of the either reactionary or extreme Right, as well as, though they are probably likely to find themselves with whatever "strange bedfellows", people who ascribe to a kind of authoritarian Centrism, who, especially after having been removed from power, are likely to attempt to disrupt the new political process by any means necessary. In so far that they are effective in doing so and in violation of whatever substantial rights, so to speak, or whatever there are to ensure that the new political process is genuine, such as the freedom from coercion or something like free association, they may actually need to be removed from the political process. It does seem entirely absurd to let someone read passages from Mein Kampf for hours on end and openly advocate for the systemic elimination of Jews in the name of inclusion, given that there is something like a participatory democratic process. I don't think that a person needs to be dragged out into the street and shot because of that they had, in anger, called someone a "k**e", but there are spheres of discourse to where the freedom of speech just doesn't really extend. Let's say that two percent of the opposition extremists do have to be prevented from participating in the new political process. The remaining three percent could, perhaps, be entertained, so to speak, so long that their abuse of the new political process does not become so consuming that all that anyone any longer does is to attempt to talk them out of their authoritarian ethos. Now that we have, and I do use such language so as not to lie about what this is, though I clearly don't think that such Politics should be carried out as they have historically, banned two percent of the populace from participating within the new political process, what are we to do about how it is that they may retaliate for having been banned? Let's say that one percent of them may engage in some sort of protest or another that, perhaps, should be taken into some sort of consideration, but will probably just more or less be the sort of thing that is just sort of tolerated and can be considered to be akin to certain social phenomenons, such as, though I would not malign such an either spiritual or religious ethos entirely, someone who is a Satanist, but kind of takes the potentially evil aspect of Satanism a little too far. On some level, a young person who insists upon wearing an all-black trench coat to high school every day doesn't really have the right to freely express themselves as such, as they are kind of exploiting the cult aspect of their way of presenting themselves as an implicit threat, but if an Anarchist society is incapable of coping with something that could be akin to that some people just got a little too far into Black Metal, then I don't think that the political philosophy can be meaningfully invoked whatsoever. That there would be such people is, again, another test to the validity of the new political process. Let us, again, assume that it passes. We are now left with the one percent of reactionary opposition extremists who are likely to engage in political terrorism. Even though this set of political factions, left totally unchecked, is only likely to be able to garnish the support of ten percent of the populace, and, therefore, only provide so significant of a threat to the new political process, it does seem evident to me that that they will attempt to engage in political terrorism by way of some sort of counter-revolution should be prevented. There are strategies, à la the First Earth Battalion or the protest that sought to levitate the Pentagon, that could, perhaps, be tried, but, what realistically seems apt is that whatever it is that was veritable of the security apparatus should be repurposed, radically conceptualized, and put into effect. As I support the full decriminalization and legalization of all narcotics, though along with some sort of way to ensure their responsible use, the only criminal plights that I can foresee becoming a problem relate to coercion. As people would no longer be living under a hyper-competitive form of capitalism, I would project that, though, again, there would be some cases, coercion that isn't somehow politically motivated would dramatically decrease, leaving only politically motivated coercion, which, to an extreme degree constitutes political terrorism, as the only primary criminal plight. With that being said, however, I, even in this hypothetical, am only one actor and can not decide for the entire coalition as to how a nonviolent revolution should be carried out or what should be set into motion after the fact, though, given that we have hypothesized a genuinely anti-authoritarian nonviolent revolution, would insist that all narcotics should, at least, be decriminalized. To return to my argument, however, when dealing with reactionary opposition extremist political terrorists, you can either kill or imprison them. I am suggesting that you should imprison them. Rather than imprison within the punitive criminal justice system that exists now, I am suggesting that a rehabilitative justice system should be created. At a random conjecture, I would suggest that such people could get out of a Community in Isolation on good behavior in six months and that, regardless as to what they do while there, there should be a cap on sentences of fifteen years. As there are bound to be a lot of Psychologists who are fascinated by the problem of evil, I don't think that it would be too difficult to staff such a facility with good people who were sincerely devoted to a rehabilitative justice project. As, eventually, society should develop so that what originates such behavior would no longer occur, they would only be temporary. As I do also think that most of the security apparatus, as there is only so much of it that is veritable, should be immediately dismantled, I am not advocating some sort of quasi-totalitarian, but, ostensibly anti-authoritarian, transitional program. I am positing that the problem of what more or less will probably almost exclusively be Fascist terrorism will still exist, even given that there has been an effective nonviolent revolution and some sort of, probably participatory democratic, political process that would not be compulsory, but would be open to all, to have taken the place of the only so veritably Liberal democratic representative democracy that exists now. In order to cope with that, what I am suggesting is that, though largely diminished, some of the security apparatus can be repurposed sort of along the lines of what the United Nations, at least, purports itself to do. Given that there is an effective revolution, people will have to cope with that a counter-revolution will be attempted to be waged. What I am suggesting is that, in order to cope with that, a temporal, radically reconceptualized, and diminished security apparatus should, predicated upon things like deescalation, the minimization of harm, and the minimal requisite repression, be put into effect. It does seem like people will still, for a period of time, need to be protected from, what, again, will probably more or less exclusively be Fascist terrorism, and for human rights to be substantially upheld, even given an effective nonviolent revolution. As that such things are even necessary does indicate that such a strategy is not entirely ideal, I am willing to accept criticism in this regard, but, I do think that it would be somewhat delusional to assume that people who are prone to things like Fascist terrorism will be so taken by a revolutionary political process, though I do hope that some of them will, that they will just simply no longer want to engage in it.
Of Fascists and the like, I will say that you can, with a bit of kindness, sympathy, and willingness to entertain ideas that are totally outside of any form of "civility", get them to unbecome as such entirely so as to fully uphold the ideal of abolition, which I am sympathetic towards, though would also prefer to consider outside of this certain absurdity, but that that takes so much time that, to me, it seems entirely absurd to suggest that people should spend years of their life encountering each and every individual Fascist, or other nefarious person, and that they should, rather, either attempt to carry out an effective nonviolent revolution or to abolish what subjugates people to authoritarianism, which is to say that, though I am of the opinion that a person should just merely level a political debate from their own perspective, in so far that an appeal is made, in a person's case who is similar to mine, it should only ever be made so far out of a person's perspective to their most distant ally, being someone like a Centrist who is ultimately sympathetic towards the libertarian Left. That a person becomes a Fascist is actually rather sad, as, in most cases, they have become subject to what is either usually "Neo-Fascist", though, as I am of the opinion that Fascism just merely survived following the Second World War and did not really experience a revival beginning, perhaps, with the Greek junta in 1967, and, so, don't have too many qualms with just kind blanketly essentializing the entire far-Right with the charge of "Fascism", or what I refer to as "exo-Fascist", basically a form of what I suspect to usually be, though it can be otherwise, Intelligence entrapment, conscription. While there are elements of abolition that are to the benefit of even the far-Right, to attempt to substantiate the ethos as such hazards consuming it within Fascist pathology. Given that to entirely uphold the ideal of abolition requires that people engage in a nebulous project that involves an encounter with the far-Right, as well as that it does not adequately address the immediate concerns of what to do about existent Fascist terrorism, as well as a few other things, such as cases of domestic violence, what I am just simply telling you is that, at this given point in time, that ideal can not practically be upheld as such, which is to say that, in spite of that people should express solidarity with things like the prison abolition movement, there are aspects of the security apparatus that both do need to remain in effect and will, though, again, radically reconceptualized, still, even given the best of all revolutionary scenarios.
The short of which, though I will elaborate further, is that there are four strategies that can be employed in order to deal with either actual or would-be Fascist terrorists, which is just more or less every Fascist. You can engage them in a psychological encounter, which may be effective if you are a genius, extraordinarily well versed in Psychology, and about as good of an actor as John McEnery in Franco Zeffirelli's Romeo and Juliet, but for everyone else is likely to be, at best, dismissed as "Communist mind control". You can talk to them for an extensive period of time, which is effective, but I wouldn't necessarily recommend as Fascists are likely to lie about you engaging them in conversation as a form of entrapment. You can, otherwise, either kill or imprison them. Aside from that it doesn't seem too ethical to kill them, there is that they have a number of strategic advantages within a civil war, as well as that, unlike everyone else, they are not likely to engage in combat by any ethical code of conduct, and have some of both the official and unofficial sanction of certain parties within the Intelligence community. With all of that in mind, I can only recommend that they be imprisoned. Even though the criminal justice system is kind of terrible, regardless as to how anyone feels about abolition, if you suspect that a person is in danger of carrying out an act of Fascist terrorism, it would probably, at best, be negligent of you not to inform some sort of law enforcement. Given that there is an effective revolution, I would suggest that, rather than place Fascist terrorists within a punitive criminal justice system like what exists now, in so far that they are engaged in terrorism, they should be placed in a rehabilitative justice system. All of this is indicative of that the security apparatus can not be entirely dismantled as of right now or even after an effective nonviolent revolution. You could always just execute them all by firing squad, but what I am suggesting is that it would be better to reconceptualize what is veritable of the security apparatus so as to effect the minimal requisite repression necessary to cope with that such parties will still be active.
TL;DR entirely: Fascist terrorism is how only so much of the security apparatus can be dismantled and rehabilitative justice is what to replace it with.
That is a rather lengthy explication. As I have previously said, it is probably best not to consider utopia along the lines of how it is that people can deal with its more extreme detractors. In so far that such a revolution does not occur, as, though I am not opposed to that happening, it does seem a bit unlikely that such an event will spontaneously happen, I am suggesting that people should merely create and engage in the best communities that they can and to do what they can to abolish what subjugates people to authoritarianism, all of which, I do think, is, in good faith, in keeping with an anti-authoritarian ethos.
Anyways, I am leaving, and, so, I will have to just leave you with that. Thanks for reading all of that if you did. I hope that all is well and goes well and will see or hear from you when or if ever. 'Til then!