I don't think it is that simple.
A lot of psychopathic behavior can be directly linked to abuses people have endured when they were children, for example.
But he too derived sexual pleasure from his acts, leading us back to the person always pursuing what they think benefit them and deluded perception.
My point here is that I’m looking at the idea of power figures within a democratic process. Can they achieve things in that system, does it work against them, and can they destroy and usurp it?
Such as?
Don't you find it telling that you need to go to the extremest of examples in order to find a fault in my argument?
What’s the point of the strength and autonomy of the individual if power isn’t going to be part of it. If individuals can’t rise up through the masses, to aspire to all sorts of unknown potential, then what’s the point of believing in the individual.
This is not about Trump but about power and whether we should look at how it works more closely and overcome our fear of it, about whether power can be wielded morally or whether there are benefits in the idea of power.
If, in that moment, he was not convinced his actions would be good for him, why would he have committed his crime?
Why couldn't a serial killer be guided by a flawed perception?
The person you describe doesn't seem like a happy person, nor does he seem to make decisions that would turn him into one. It seems to me he is hopelessly lost.
I am, however, making an educated guess that the persons you describe are unhappy people. I also think I'm correct in that regard.
It seems like you interpreted the quote I shared earlier as 'every person desires to be a morally good person', but that is not what the quote says and not how I explained it.
Did the fellow not have some desire to do all those things, thinking it must make him wealthier/happier, etc? Was he not ignorant of the fact that none of his actions contributed to his happiness?
The problem is that people's perceptions are hopelessly deluded, ....
In the words of Plato; All men desire the Good.
No they're not. If I held a gun to your head and said "build me a house" I suspect you would do so, regardless of whether the market demanded it. You're treating 'market forces' as if they were some kind of Law of Nature, they're just the result of the economic institutions we've set up. It's perfectly feasible to build houses for all sorts of reasons.
I didn't say you couldn't have an opinion. You've got to realise the gravity of what you're suggesting. There's a man on the street living under a cardboard box - no home, no job, no healthcare. He's starving hungry, probably ill (both physically and mentally) and ten times more likely to die than average. You're telling him that he can't have a little help from the man buying his second yacht because you 'reckon' in your completely lay interpretation of complex economics, that it would probably be a bad idea in the long run. This despite there existing perfectly well-educated experts who think it would be fine. You've decided to just let the man starve and side with the naysayers because you just 'reckon' they have it right. I'm trying to establish why - given that you're not sufficiently expert to decide, given that alternative , expert opinions are available, given the very high stakes, you've chosen the side you have.
I mean, if you're wrong (and we do nothing), people suffer miserably for no reason. If you're right, but we increase welfare nonetheless, the economy takes a dive (which is does periodically anyway). given that either could be the case, why err on the side of the wealthy?
I don't understand your appeal to autonomy in this one area.
That's the modus tollens reading. While you may be right - she is obtuse enough to have argued in favour of law-bound morality by on the face of it arguing against it - I think we need to get the modus ponens reading right before we give this more consideration.
I read her as rejecting law-bound morality in favour of developing virtue. SO the attack - pp. 2-3 - her antecedents is an attack on the very notion of doing ethics by examining what is good; the section you cite is arguing that "should," "needs," "ought," "must" have been taken out of their usual place in our discourse and forced into an unnatural alliance with words such as "obligation"... And again this harks back to Wittgenstein's warnings about philosophers using words in peculiar ways.
You're not an expert on these matters, neither am I. So it's absolutely pointless us trying to work out if there are undesirable consequences, or if they outweigh the desirable ones.
Our job as citizens is not to bash out the evidence (we don't have all the data) it's to decide what to do in the face of the uncertainty.
And why would I? All you've presented is the distinction. No argument at all about why that distinction matters.
Yes, but there's no shortage of housing which means presumably there's no shortage of people who've chosen to build houses of their own free will. If suddenly no one wants to build houses then we might all have to muck in, but so far there's no evidence that this might be a problem, so why even raise the issue?
I'm not talking about shelters, I'm talking about housing (and jobs, and decent wages and healthcare etc).
Why don't they have a choice in it? Where did I suggest we get slave labour to build houses?
There's all sorts of qualifications we can put on rights without abandoning them.
No, the topic is 'small government'.
you cannot simply dismiss these claims on the basis of a simple philosophical position, you're now having to demonstrate that each claim is unsustainable on its own merits.
The point is that you've agreed these claims are not denied the status of 'rights' on some categorical philosophical basis.
We agreed that harm to society resulting from satisfying these claims is the only reason to dismiss them. Seeing as the harm to society these claims may cause is still a moot point among experts, that should be the end of it.
but my point is that at this time there not being enough homes to go around isn’t a problem. There are more than enough homes to go around, if only their ownership were somehow distributed differently.
But these are taking extremes. The right to clean air, clean water, good working conditions, freedom from abuse, a decent wage, freedom from discrimination, an education. None of these things have even the slightest evidence that they'll end civilisation, so why shouldn't we allow them as claims?
There are more unoccupied houses than homeless people in the US.
Also, if the principle were that everyone were entitled to an equal-ish share of what is available, and too many people stopped producing as a consequence of that, then how much is available to be shared would go down, as would the size of an equal share of that, which would then incentivize people to work more again.
There are, however, plenty enough houses. If everyone claimed a house, everyone would have a house. I don't see any evidence at all of immanent civilization collapse resulting from such a claim.
Yes, but these don't help us resolve differences over rights, which extend frequently into areas of morality over which there is far less agreement.
You can't just arbitrarily say its not a right because it burdens someone else. Why doe burdening someone else prevent it from being a right?
Right. But basic moral intuitions don't help us with issues of rights because people disagree. Basic moral intuitions are not agreed upon.
then what is preventing the homeless person from claiming a right to housing?
So what are they then? All you've given so far is that they are claims on individuals or governments. Nothing in that prevents you from declaring a right to constant back massages.
The positive right to housing is just the negative right to not die from exposure. The positive right to health care is just the negative right to not be left to die.
Perhaps in academic circles too much is importance is given to the social control aspect of these hierarchies, along the lines of Michel Foucault, and the simple pragmatic reasoning just why things like the military are hierarchial with centralized leadership are sidelined.
The example of the military shows that a true leadership school works only for very hierarchial organizations where higher level leaders are chosen by a formal process.
Treating the height difference as if it's causing that difference in income is extremely bizarre. Imagine the social programs that would come of it:
Though nature only affords our societies with some of the differential, or enables/renders possible social costs which leverage distinctions in bodily properties, rather than playing a primary causal role for any of the social costs of having those bodily properties.
Having a certain height or skin colour can only be changed through interventions like eugenics; drown all babies that come out at less than a certain size or whose skin colour is not as desired, or otherwise prevent reproduction of those people, maybe kill all people under 1.2 meters tall on their 16th birthday.
It's really coming down to what the possibilities of political action are and which ones are most relevant; race, gender/sex and disability are differences between people which engender risks that both matter a lot and can practically be mitigated or stopped through intervention.
the ultimate goal is almost universally some variant of human well-being.
The reason we're all appalled at the idea of equality of height or equality of intelligence is that we have no intuitive notion that such a project might further human welfare