Cancel culture might have been around before, but the internet has given it the ability to amplify its signal and spread out of control.
Take for example the Jeopardy! incident, which showed an audience of highly educated leftists going into almost Q Anon level rabbit hole over "secret Nazi hand gestures."
https://www.nytimes.com/2021/05/16/business/media/jeopardy-hand-gesture-maga-conspiracy.html
Defining "Wokeness," is a project in itself. However, one negative aspect of the Culture Wars on American intellectual life that ties in is the argument that "if people feel they are being oppressed/mistreated, then whoever is responsible for that feeling has a duty to act to alleviate that feeling."
This is simply nonsense. A group feeling threatened or offended should not be, in and of itself, evidence that such feelings are warranted.
Before the first Q posts and the conspiracy that Democrats were child abducting Moloch worshipers, liberals went down a similar rabbit hole. Black and brown girls were going missing in DC since Trump was elected. Trump and his ilk, powerful white racists, were abducting girls and no one was doing anything to stop them.
Was there a surge in abductions? No. Activists on social media had started reposting a Twitter feed of missing persons alerts. They continued to plaster the internet with pictures of run away girls who had long returned home, implying that there was a surge in abductions, and that it was tied to the new crowd in Washington. It was based on nothing. I recall the New York Times covering it with "well, abductions do happen some places, and are bad, so the feelings are warranted," which is completely beside the point. The point is that it was a fake conspiracy crisis.
A similar trend happened after Dylan Roof's massacre. People set up news reports for incidents at Black churches. Next thing you knew, media outlets were reporting on an epidemic of Black churches burning down. Later reporting would show no change in the rates at which churches caught fire and no greater likelyhood of a Black church burning versus any other. However, this revelation didn't lead to the dismissal of the issue. Charles Blow released an op-ed to the effect of "well, some people were worried about a wave of attacks on churches, and the fact that they were worried shows there is an issue, and the fear itself is evidence of oppression." In the worst cases it amounts to "I tried to get my side riled up, and they are riled up, which is evidence that I am right." The Left can add to the argument "denying I am right is denying the lived experience of marginalized groups, which is racist."
Well, of course people are scared of a wave of attacks, media outlets just spent a month telling people they were under attack and implying a cover up. The logic of "people are scared/offended, so that is evidence of wrong doing," cuts both ways. This is the argument for Trump's "Big Lie." "See, 71% of Republicans think the election was stolen, that shows there is a lack of faith in the electoral system we need to address!" It's an unsound argument.
The peak of this absurdity was when a story about a Black second grader in Philadelphia having their hair cut by White classmates became national news for a week. All sorts of racial dynamics were read into the actions of 7 year olds. Then it turned out the girl had actually cut her own hair and had used the classmates as an excuse. The media response was to still publish op-eds on the issue, seeing it as still a "teachable moment." This is to my mind, insanity. You don't need to drag a seven year old and their family into the national news over the not uncommon instance of kids cutting their own hair, not to mention making them into pawns in the culture war.
It's an epistemological nightmare. The sciences can't be trusted because they are influenced by power relations. This is a fair critique, and indeed something every field needs to take more seriously. However, the follow up, "peoples feelings on policy issues should be taken at face value," does not follow. Bias and the threats of manipulation occur in the court of public opinion, and it indeed far more susceptible to those threats than discourse in the sciences.