Your characterisation of my position is relatively accurate, with one exception "... the average individual ... must therefore be guided by [a group] who happen to actually understand the world and are in a position to know what's best and what should be forbidden.". In the long-term, I don't actually think democracy works at all, but that's definitely for another discussion. In the short-term, given the society we're in, I believe in representative democracy (just). That means that I do not think that the technocratic elite "just happen" to know what's best, they have been elected exactly for that purpose, to decide what's best. They have been chosen, by the population as the people who they would like to make those decisions on their behalf. That is what gives them the authority to do so, not some technocratic qualification.
Obviously there are also a few stray polemics ("contrary to the beliefs of ... most contemporary political philosophers" I would dispute, but I think that's probably too trivial a point to bog down the discussion with). Basically, it is correct apart from the point made above.
Obviously I don't expect anyone to automatically take an interest in every philosophical position proposed, but If you were interested in exploring this idea further, the anthropologist Clive Finlayson outlines the concept of 'Conservatives' (followers) and 'Innovators' (leaders) best I think. His ideas would be the place to start (
if you were interested). It's not as simple as it sounds. The easy stereotype is of poor meek followers waiting for instruction from powerful luxuriating leaders, but for most innovators (according to Finlayson) it's not like that. Most are rejected from society and live at the outskirts, barely benefiting from it's products until their innovation happens to solve a problem caused by a changing environment, then they become leaders, briefly, before being rejected again once their ideas have become the norm. Anyway, that's probably too much of an aside, I just didn't want you to get the idea that I was in favour of rule by elite, it's not like that.
So, with regards to the use of Utilitarianism.
I agree that the social contract is founded on inalienable human rights, but I think that these are a meta-ethical position, not a normative one. This is best expressed by the example of free-speech (since that's the topic here). We have a 'right' to free speech, but that 'right' is commonly imposed upon. We may not incite hatred, we may not defame, we may not harass verbally, we may not swear or use sexual language in broadcasts before the watershed. Socially, we impose even stricter restrictions on free-speech. So rights are not actually inalienable after all, they are a definition ( and quite a lose one) of the sort of thing we class as 'good' - a meta-ethical position. Utilitarianism, as you know, is a strictly normative ethic, it does not seek to define 'utility', only provide a framework for how to achieve it. So when I say that utilitarianism is the default position for the ethical decisions of authorities, I'm talking about it in a normative sense, with the preservation of human rights being (a significant part of) the meta-ethical definition of utility. Balancing all these rights is where utilitarianism come in. Hence the lists of harms from either option are harms against human rights.
The point I'm making with the 'will of the people', if I could return to that briefly, is that I think the old paradigm of the oppressed (but ulitmately united) populous keeping in check the tyrannical monarch is outdated and no longer applies. Again a massive diversion, but to understand my position (should you wish to) you would have to also understand a considerable amount of related thought, maybe that's why this format doesn't really work, I don't know. Briefly then I think that advertising and media influence does have an affect on people, I think that since the 1920s, that effect has been to suppress critical thinking in order to overcome the economic problems of a stalled technological progress (we already had most of what we actually needed), and the result of nearly a century of this attrition is a population who are (to put it bluntly), by and large easily led and satisfied almost entirely with superficial commodity acquisition. Entirely unlike the population at the time of the Magna Carta. This is a long argument and not easily made in a few brief paragraphs, but I just wanted to outline the fact that there is a difference, in my mind, between the situation we have to deal with today, and the situation a few hundred years ago.
It is therefore slightly missing the point to say that democratic congressmen in America, do indeed reflect the will of their constituents. They certainly do, but the 'will of their constituents' has
been almost entirely manufactured by a few charismatic people, not necessarily the actual leaders themselves. Again, as another long and complicated aside, but necessary just to mention. I'm not a conspiracy theorist. I don't think the 'few charismatic people' are the same few in each case, nor that they actually know what they're doing. Often, the few charismatic people don't even know who they are and certainly are not leading society in one direction consciously, but that doesn't prevent them from doing so nonetheless.
Notwithstanding the above, I actually think that the virtue ethical argument for restriction (de-platforming) of racists views is actually stronger then the utilitarian one, so I don't think we need to be committed to a utilitarian framework to reach this conclusion. I don't tolerate racist language in my house as an expression of an objective I hold to be a virtue (non-discrimination). I don't see why any community should not be allowed to similarly express it's collective virtues by their actions.
I think a central part of our disagreement seems to stem from some fundamental axioms which I'm not sure we can surmount;
1. It seems you think all data counts as 'information' and all people are essentially rational (or at least should be treated as such). I think that the rhetoric of racists does not count as 'information', as it is almost entirely lies, and that people are not rational and treating them as such is dangerous. In my defence - ask yourself why we do not extend the vote to children or allow them to be exposed to violent or sexual images, and then try to apply that same logic to the population of adults, given the sense they have demonstrated themselves to have.
2. You think that the right to free-speech and to be allowed to take part in the democratic process by expressing ideas is more important an objective than allowing society as a whole to express it's virtues by their actions. I think that the collective expression of virtue is more important than the inclusion of fringe ideas which are unlikely to be of any utility. In my defence here, if I have a right to say what sort of talk I will accept in my house, why does a University not have a right to say what sort of talk they will accept in their buildings, or democratic community not have the right to say what sort of talk they will accept in their country?
3. I think perhaps you require less of a person to entitle them to a right than I do. I'm guessing that we both agree that rights are not automatic in that they can be infringed upon, (we deny murderers the right to freedom, for example). If one wishes the right to free-speech, one has a responsibility to ensure that such speech meets that standards of the rights that provide one with the facility. I don't think it makes logical sense to say that someone has the right to speak out against human rights. It is a self-defeating right. We must either say that human rights are inalienable or not. If they are inalienable then there are no circumstances under which we would consider their abandonment. If there are no such circumstances, then there is no argument to be heard from those wishing to do so. If there is such an argument to be heard, the rights are clearly not inalienable, they are up for debate, on the basis of their merits, including the right to free speech.
As to your final question. I'm afraid I don't think it's answerable in one simple way. It depends on the risks in either case, it depends how bad the worst case scenario is, how high the risks of striving for the best are and how likely the best is to happen.
Basically, in summary of your point about utilitarianism, I don't think one can have a purely deontological ethical system where duties conflict with one another. They must either be universal, or conflicts need to be resolved, which then requires some other form of normative ethic to decide which is more important. If rights are truly inalienable (meaning they must be worded in such a way as to not conflict with one another) then there is literally no point in hearing from anyone who advocates their restriction because their position has been ruled out as an option by the very rights we're using to allow them to have their say.