L'état, c'est moi
Wherever the state relinquishes power, whether through privatization, deregulation, or cuts in spending and taxation, there is no shortage of critics lamenting the process. But why? If the criticism is not so servile as to be the knowing and explicit defence of state power, then it teeters on one flimsy assumption: that what the government loses so too does the governed.
This assumption brings to mind Ortega Y Gasset’s "
The Revolt of the Masses". In it he distinguishes between the superior man and the “mass-man”. Man is naturally-inclined to seek a higher authority. “If he succeeds in finding it of himself, he is a superior man; if not, he is a mass-man and must receive it from his superiors.”
According to Ortega Y Gasset, one should watch with interest the attitude mass-man adopts before the state:
“He sees it, admires it, knows that there it is, safeguarding his existence; but he is not conscious of the fact that it is a human creation invented by certain men and upheld by certain virtues and fundamental qualities which the men of yesterday had and which may vanish into air to-morrow. Furthermore, the mass-man sees in the State an anonymous power, and feeling himself, like it, anonymous, he believes that the State is something of his own”
“The mass says to itself, “L’ État, c’est moi,” which is a complete mistake. The state is the mass only in the sense in which it can be said of two men that they are identical because neither of them is named John. The contemporary State and the mass coincide only in being anonymous. But the mass-man does in fact believe that he is the State, and he will tend more and more to set its machinery working on whatsoever pretext, to crush beneath it any creative minority which disturbs it—disturbs it in any order of things: in politics, in ideas, in industry.”
I suppose this is why, in statist terms, the “state sector” is synonymous with the “public sector”. The state thrives when the public believes it is the state, that the ruling class and its mechanisms of power represents the public en masse rather than its own interests. But when one recognizes the parasitic nature of this relationship, who is host and what is parasite, it becomes difficult to sustain it, or at any rate, to maintain the faith in symbiosis.
It’s easy to fall pray to statism. We are born in it, moulded by it, and forever governed by it. So we should always remember, like Proudhon, what it means to be governed.
“To be governed is to be kept in sight, inspected, spied upon, directed, law-driven, numbered, enrolled, indoctrinated, preached at, controlled, estimated, valued, censured, commanded, by creatures who have neither the right, nor the wisdom, nor the virtue to do so…. To be governed is to be at every operation, at every transaction, noted, registered, enrolled, taxed, stamped, measured, numbered, assessed, licensed, authorized, admonished, forbidden, reformed, corrected, punished. It is, under the pretext of public utility, and in the name of the general interest, to be placed under contribution, trained, ransomed, exploited, monopolized, extorted, squeezed, mystified, robbed; then, at the slightest resistance, the first word of complaint, to be repressed, fined, despised, harassed, tracked, abused, clubbed, disarmed, choked, imprisoned, judged, condemned, shot, deported, sacrificed, sold, betrayed; and, to crown all, mocked, ridiculed, outraged, dishonored. That is government; that is its justice; that is its morality. And to think that there are democrats among us who pretend that there is any good in government; Socialists who support this ignominy, in the name of Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity; proletarians who proclaim their candidacy for the Presidency of the Republic! Hypocrisy! …”
The General Idea of the Revolution in the 19th Century