I think there's two important things that need to be distinguished here: the place on the political spectrum one is pushing toward, and how hard one is pushing toward it. — Pfhorrest
These are not distinctions that are relevant to what I am talking about.
At any given moment, a broad "left-center-right" political spectrum can be pasted over the status quo, and useful as a short-hand for basic "friend-or-foe" identification.
In a first-past-the-post system such as the US, there is a strong tendency for 2 coalitions to emerge, and take on certain labels that simply stick through time.
For instance, since Reagan the Republican party has been the radical party and the Democratic party the conservative party relative the New Deal post Great Depression policy framework. This is why conservatives have to imagine some bygone era before the New Deal that they are trying to conserve by bringing it back. Most of these radical changes are implemented through the judiciary, such as the union killing ruling that union shops are somehow "forced speech" (radically changing labour relations to capital in one step) as well as things like citizens United, that spending money is speech.
So, although I agree that relative the status quo at any given moment, one may be trying to conserve it, reform it, radically change it or regress to a previous status quo (real or imagined); it's important to note that this may not actually match labels for things society is using. For instance, Republicans do not claim to be trying to conserve the status quo of the new deal, but rather to dismantle labour laws and progressive tax schemes in the name of conservative values imagined to have existed at some era in some prior time to it.
The other major problem with the political spectrum is that reformist and radical ideologies cannot be linearly ordered nor even regressives; we can only place the status quo in the center. Regressives may want to regress as such relative a previous status quo, but rather only selectively taking things from different eras from the past, and these combinations cannot be linearly ordered: if I want a 4 things from last year as well as something from a hundred years ago, this can't be linearly ordered relative someone who wants 3 things from 50 years ago or someone who wants 10 things from 70 years ago but 1 radical change that has never existed. And of course, reform and radical change can go in all sorts of completely incompatible directions.
To take an example, Ireland only legalized abortion a few years ago, so previous to this all the mainstream parties that kept abortion illegal would be extreme right wing position in the US context, but these same parties implemented universal health care, investments in lower education (equally distributed), free upper education, and pretty much the rest of the "welfare state" policies which would be "extreme left wing snow flake socialism" if a candidate started talking about them in the US. From an ideological perspective, the abortion issue can be easily seperated from the free education issue, and there's not much logical problem about being against abortion while for free education at all levels for instance; indeed, it could even be argued that "people who care about children" so much would want to make large investments in maternity leave, child-care support, free education, free university so that those children are also taken care of outside the womb; and so, if we imagined a proportional system in the US we could easily expect there would be christian parties that are basically welfare state socialist but against legal abortion (as was very strong in Ireland) as well as perhaps christian parties that see support legal abortion on legalistic grounds (proper extent of government sovereignty over one's personal body) and are against all social programs to help the poor because "if you do not work, you should not eat". So, ideologies can easily mix and match concepts all over any given spectrum without any apparent logical inconsistencies.
Just as importantly, even if ideologies are placed on the political spectrum despite the above difficulties, it says nothing about the reasons for supporting the associated policies. Two groups that really are very close in terms of policy may have incompatible reasons for believing so; hence, with this naive political compass view, policies that racists generally support is easy to conclude that all supporters of those policies therefore must be racists, or then, at least, are allied and coordinating with racists. Since this isn't true, different reasons can support the same policy, attempting a neat ordering of other people's beliefs lends nothing to a proper analysis, much less constructive dialogue.
So, although the political spectrum can be a useful shorthand to point to broad outlines of a person's politics relative a current status quo (because, probably, they are in the largest camp that general direction points to), it becomes essentially useless as soon as any proper analysis is attempted. Any deeper analysis, even by a European standard millimeter, requires getting into the actual substance of what people believe, what arguments support those beliefs, what alliances they form, or are likely to form, with people that have different goals and beliefs in some respects but overlap in others, and under what conditions are those alliances plausible or stable, and what are the potential, and historic, result of those alliances and so on.
The reason to stay at the level of the political spectrum is to avoid getting into the actual details, and to place oneself "above all that" and comprehend the world as people just getting up and deciding which "place on the political spectrum" they are on and "how hard one is pushing toward it".
But the above is simply useful notes and and simply a segue into my main point which is that a coherent ideology cannot be derived from the political spectrum. The political spectrum is constantly changing as the status quo changes.
There is no reason for an ideology to simply track the status quo; one could make such an ideology of simply believing the existing policies are the best at any given moment, but I know no one who has so it is only of pedantic interest if it's even feasible to make plausible reasons for doing so.
If you are a freedom loving capitalist, social democrat, anarchist or communist and believe in reforming gradually, step by step, the Wiemar Republic through the democratic process and then Hitler takes over and suspends democracy and launches a second world war, there's no reason one would expect any of these ideologies to stay a reformer and strive to reform the Nazi party from within; maybe some did, maybe some didn't, but the point is there's no reason to assume a reformer will stay a reformer if conditions change; it is a relation to the status quo, not an ideology in itself.
Now, we are born into the status quo and so it's quite natural that this is the starting point for political reflection, and I have no problem calling the status quo "the center" nor with most people likely to be fairly close to the center whenever things have been relatively stable for a while; the point I am making in this thread is that centrism is only an external description of a person's beliefs relative the status quo, and there cannot be a coherent ideology of the center as such (as it is the result of compromise between incompatible belief systems of the different political forces through time).
To my mind, a "centrist" is someone who is pushing toward (what they perceive as) the center of the political spectrum. — Pfhorrest
Things are already, by definition, in the center, and so one cannot move towards it. It is simply a construct of propaganda the idea that there is some natural balance between the left and the right and the responsible political actor pushes the pendulum always in the opposite direction to where it is moving. If that were so, all responsible political actors in America should then be pushing towards reestablishing the rule of the English Crown over the upstart American colonies, which is a reasonable political center between native American order and the government that exists today.
It simply doesn't make sense to call the center an ideology in itself. For instance, if Bernie wins and gets all his policy objectives implemented, Scandinavian style social democracy would then become the new center. Would today's centrists immediately start pushing towards this new center? Would Bloomberg immediately update his ideology to focus towards the new Bernie center in this scenario, or any other person that could be considered a centrist with your definition? Maybe, but maybe not. But, if yes, then today's centrist changing to tomorrow center after a change, it is unlikely to be due to some ideology that is setup to track the center, but rather changing ideas (for instance, after seeing the results aren't catastrophic, coming around to the Scandinavian style of doing things) or then maybe they seem go along with the new center without really believing in it, for practical expediency (in this case their ideology has not changed, just an update of what battles are winnable in the new political dynamic).
What you're describing by "reformer" is what I would instead call a "moderate", which is someone who is progressive but not radical, conservative but not reactionary, someone who wants change, but not reckless change, cautiousness, but not hyper-cautiousness. — Pfhorrest
Though you can use moderate to refer to a reformer, as used in the US mainstream media today, a moderate is usually used to refer to a centrist in the sense of someone simply wanting to maintain the status quo, as far as I can see, but this is mere quibble.
As for "wanting change, but no reckless change" there is essentially no political camp that has more history than few camp fire diatribes, no matter how radical, that views their program as reckless. Radicals view the maintenance of the status quo and only contenting with slow reform as the reckless position. Again, consider resistance fighters under Hitler, they concluded they needed radical change because they viewed the Nazi regime as fundamentally dangerous and evil and no reasonable steps of reform available, and hence that leaving Hitler and his minions to do their thing as the reckless choice.
Likewise today, radical environmentalists view the status quo as unsustainable and reckless to leave to business as usual; that is is performing a global scale one-time experiment on the earth's atmosphere and living systems that is the opposite to cautious position; that simply because we are already doing it doesn't somehow magically make continuing the experiment the exercise of caution. Although reform was at one point available, it no longer is and only fairly radical changes are now available for any meaningful effect. So, in terms of avoiding reckless action, the radical environmentalist will argue they are less reckless than a step-by-step slow reformer. What is preferable cannot be determined by positioning on a political spectrum and some intuition of what part of the spectrum seems the most comfortable. Should Hitler be resisted violently? Depends on the verifiable details, what is he up to? Likewise, depends on exterior factors, is there external forces that are also fighting against Hitler which make intense violent resistance effective? Likewise, is there an environmental crisis, to what extent and what can be done about? A prerequisite empirical investigation is required to determine if environmental radicalism (of one form or another) is warranted.
The "meta-debate" about whether moderates are good as some sort of moral evaluation is simply propaganda to distract from the actual issues up for debate.