Ukraine Crisis In Kherson, a life at Russian time
The southern Ukrainian city fell quickly and without a fight to the Russians. Moscow accelerates the Russification of the region, while resistance is getting organized.
By Florence Aubenas (Le Monde special correspondent, from Kiev, Odessa and Mykolaiv)
29 June 2022
She found the letter in the kitchen, next to a plate of pancakes, in their apartment on the fifth floor of a quiet building. “Svieta, my daughter. Eat the pancakes, they are very good with cheese. I'm sick of the pain, I can't take it anymore. Goodbye. Your father." The father could no longer find anything to treat himself, so he jumped out of the window.
"Here, the lack of medicine kills more people than weapons ," reports a doctor from Tropin Hospital in Kherson, southern Ukraine, over the phone. The first big city conquered, a few days after the Russian invasion, Kherson does not let its particular situation known easily. From the outside, it seems almost intact, a seaside resort and port between two seas – the Black and that of Azov – a postcard beauty. Here, there was no massive destruction like in Mariupol or mass graves discovered like in Bucha.
Yet Kherson has been living under the occupation of Moscow for four months. Nothing arrives there from Ukraine anymore, neither food nor pensions. The roads are blocked, without even a humanitarian corridor: the only access that remains is through Crimea, the neighboring peninsula, already annexed by Moscow in 2014. Cut off from the world, the city of Kherson, like the oblast of the same name, has gone missing: the only independent testimonies come from refugees or residents contacted by telephone.
“We are here forever, Kyiv has let you down”, hammer the occupants, who have just completed a third line of defense. However, for the first time, on June 22, the official Russian agency TASS acknowledged that a car bomb attack had targeted a pro-Russian collaborator. Several prior actions had been kept under silence. Behind closed doors in the conquered region, another battle has just begun.
"The Russians had prepared their invasion, not only militarily, but with hidden agents at the heart of Ukrainian power" -- Oleg Dunda, Ukrainian MP
The story of Kherson, its capture and occupation begins with a mystery: how could the city have fallen without a fight – or almost – when the resistance elsewhere in Ukraine has stunned the world? "I would really like to know, like all citizens", says Iryna Verechchuk, Ukrainian Deputy Prime Minister in charge of the occupied territories in Kiev. She remembers the early days of the invasion, when the national military committee wondered: why aren't the bridges blowing up? Why aren't our troops fighting on the border? These were the orders in case of aggression. Treason ? The word goes around, of course.
“If there has been sabotage, we will know, an investigation is underway , ” continues the Deputy Prime Minister. For his part, the deputy Oleg Dunda, member of the presidential party, recognizes that certain risks may have been badly assessed. "The Russians had prepared their invasion, not only militarily, but with hidden agents at the heart of Ukrainian power, " he explains. It is to the point where the American services did not share certain information, for fear that it may land in Moscow. »
In Kherson, in any case, on February 24, “soldiers, policemen, customs officers, all had evaporated” , remembers Dmytro Paraschinets, adviser to the region. A military leader ends up being contacted. On the phone, he answers "to be already very far away" . The only one to stand up: the territorial defense, a hundred civilians gathered in haste four days earlier. No weapons were issued to them. More than sixty died in combat. In the street, two strangers throw themselves with their bare hands against Russian tanks, an image of pure despair that still haunts Dmytro Paraschinets, now a refugee in Kyiv.
Vladimir Putin's strategy seemed to be working: the way was clear to advance to Odessa, 200 kilometers away along the Black Sea shore.
In fact, the columns were blocked halfway by fierce fighting around Mykolaiv, a strategic port. Fallback to Kherson. A resident remembers: “The Russian soldiers arrived at Victory Square, weapons in hand, and began to rob the supermarket." The occupation has just begun. It was the first week of March.
But this oblast does not resemble neighboring Crimea, where Moscow enjoyed strong enough support to integrate it into the Russian Federation via a referendum – imposed by the Kremlin – in 2014. Here, the pro-Russian parties never exceeded 20% of the votes.
So, every day, at noon, a ritual of insane courage began: hundreds of civilians with their faces uncovered demonstrate behind their national flag. "At the beginning, we were surprised: the Russians didn't touch anyone, " says one of them. "It gave us the audacity to continue." Moscow also distributes food donations in front of the station, buckwheat and tin cans, in front of Russian TV cameras. “They wanted to show themselves as good people,” says a businesswoman. Any other help is prohibited.
“They want the Dombas veterans, they want revenge.” -- the father of a veteran
At that same time, the first arrests began. Names of targeted people, addresses, functions, everything was recorded on lists "established for the most part before the invasion", explains MP Oleg Dunda. High in those lists figured the Ukrainian veterans of Donbass, who have been fighting against the separatists supported by Moscow since 2014. "They want the veterans, they want revenge, down to the last one," says the father of one of them. Arrested mid-March, his son never reappeared. Then came the people of influence, local authorities, journalists, neighborhood committees, bosses or demonstrators.
More than six hundred civilians have gone missing. Those who survived describe the same scenes: detention in cellars, stripping, beatings, torture with electricity, mock executions.
An elected official says that after three weeks he was offered to be released if he shoots two videos, one for the local population, the other for the Russians. “I had to say that I had not been arrested, but that I was responding to a medical examination. Then, I had to call to collaborate. The version for Moscow included one more sentence, only one: "I condemn the Nazism of Ukraine." Liberating the country from "fascism" remains the Kremlin's official justification for its invasion. Released, he found his house looted, even the electric kettle. He said he drank vodka all night. “At dawn, I understood that I would be their bait to arrest others, before being killed myself." He left the region clandestinely.
Social centers, nurseries, everything is closed. The last pro-Ukraine demonstration marched on April 27, a handful of people dispersed by the riot squad from Moscow. In the city, more than six hundred civilians are missing. Half the region has fled.
Historian and community activist in Odessa, Oleksander Babych has become a privileged confidant for those who remained in Kherson: his book The occupation of Odessa from 1941 to 1944 is a reference in Ukraine. Many consult it today to find out how to behave in the face of invaders. Babytch's response varies very little: “Prepare to be betrayed, including by those you think you know."
And indeed the floodgates opened, collaborators replaced one by one those who refused to work with the Russians in the oblast: the governor, the mayors or the head of the chamber of agriculture. "They display themselves without embarrassment," says a restaurateur in Kherson. In general, they were born under the Soviet Union, before independence in 1991, ambitious people who choose the strong neighbor."
If one of them were to symbolize the figure of the “traitor”, Volodymyr Saldo, 66, would surely fit the bill. Mayor of Kherson from 2002 to 2012, he had lost his mandate and was struggling with legal problems, untill the occupying forces offered him the post of governor on April 27.
At the beginning of June, two men got out of a 4×4 In front of a big farm near Kherson and introduced themselves to the farmer as businessmen. The farmer has never seen them, but the guns on their thighs made questions superfluous. The strangers offered to buy his crops, wheat, soybeans, vegetables, everything. Here, we are in the land of the black earth, one of the most fertile in the world, so rich, so oily that the Germans had the mad project of exporting it home by trainloads during the Second World War. The visitors offered a ridiculous price, three times less than the market. But the market no longer exists in the Kherson oblast: selling in Ukraine, or even more so internationally, has been impossible since the occupation.
Of course, the strangers wanted to pay in rubles: the new authorities now impose the Russian currency against the Ukrainian hryvnia. Thoughts were rushing in the farmer's head: “If I refuse to sell, they will rob me anyway." An idea occured to him: “What if I burned everything? No, not possible. They would take it as an offense." The other two made themseves clear: “It's either collaboration or the cellar". This farmer is one of the last who managed to flee the oblast.
Today, officers have settled in his property, they empty beers around his swimming pool. Russian soldiers have been encouraged for several weeks to bring their families and install them in unoccupied accommodation. “De-Ukrainization” is advancing like a steamroller: Russian will the school curricula be; Russian will be the only bank allowed to operate in Kherson, and it plans to open two hundred branches; Russian the businesses in the district; Russian the Internet, telephone and television networks; Russian the institutions; Russian any child born in the oblast after February 24, 2022.
Regularly announced, the organization of a referendum ratifying an attachment to Russia, as was the case in Crimea, is constantly postponed. Too risky: there is little or no chance that the result will be positive. So, at the microphone of the Novosti news agency, Governor Saldo pretends not to attach any importance to it: “The region already belongs to the great family of Russia." A procedure against him has been launched by the Prosecutor General of Ukraine: Saldo faces fifteen years in prison for treason.
In the morning, Kherson turns into a huge open-air market: smuggled Belarusian cigarettes, a few medicines sometimes, or a woman's bracelet placed on a headscarf. One sells what one needs to survive. This is the last place where the Ukrainian hryvnia is still current, though using it already constitutes an “act of rebellion”. There are hardly any more in circulation. Barter sets in, wages are paid in food for those who are still working. Ten thousand jobs have disappeared, especially in tourism. “We don't argue, but people don't talk about anything anymore, says a trader. We feel that something is being organized. But who is who? Who does what ?"
From noon, the streets empty, the inhabitants barricade themselves. Another life begins, as if separated from the first: the Russian hours. In the streets, one only comes across soldiers in bands, some wearing hoods. Or collaborators.
At the end of March, two of them had already been killed in attacks.
In recent days, the actions have intensified, more than 15, for those who are known in any case: Russian soldiers machine-gunned in a restaurant, car bombs against the director of the prison administration, the head of the bus station or Governor Saldo himself. These last three survived.
On a messaging service, a group has just been launched, called "the traitors' base". Seventeen thousand participants so far have denounced supposed collaborators, with their photos, from the most visible to the most pathetic, like this very young high school student, smeared with lipstick, who declares on Facebook her fondness for Russian soldiers. In Kiev, a military spokesman announced that a group of "guerrillas" had opened an internal front.
As a response, the former mayor of Kherson, Ihor Kulekaev, was arrested by occupation forces on Tuesday June 28. "Whoever was causing so much harm to the denazification process has finally been neutralized," said pro-Russian deputy governor Kirill Strimosov. Dismissed after the fall of the oblast, the ex-mayor had never left his city. He was at home when they came for him. He is now missing.