The ‘Ex Post Facto Clause’ states, “[n]o state shall . . . pass any . . . Ex Post Facto law.” 10 The clause only applies to criminal sanctions and “assures that citizens are on notice of criminal statutes so that they can conform their conduct to the requirements of existing laws.”11 As Blackstone stated, “it is impossible that the party could foresee that an action, innocent when it was done, should be afterwards converted to guilt by a subsequent law; he had therefore no cause to abstain from it; and all punishment for not abstaining must of consequence be cruel and unjust.”12 Thus, Ex Post Facto laws are unfair because they deprive individuals of notice of the wrongfulness of their behavior until after the fact. 13 The Clause ensures that legislative acts “give fair warning of their effect and permit individuals to rely on their meaning until explicitly changed.”14 Such notice is vital in the context of criminal law where deprivations are greatest.15
The Supreme Court’s first interpretation of the Ex Post Facto Clause was in Calder v. Bull. 16 Justice Chase described the specific categories encompassed within the clause as follows:
1st. Every law that makes an action, done before the passing of the law, and which was innocent when done, criminal; and punishes such action. 2nd. Every law that aggravates a crime, or makes it greater than it was, when committed. 3rd. Every law that changes the punishment, and inflicts a greater punishment, than the law annexed to the punishment, than the law annexed to the crime, when committed. 4th. Every law that alters the legal rules of evidence, and receives less, or different, testimony, than the law required at the time of the commission of the offense, in order to convict the offender.17
In the past, the Supreme Court has focused on two major elements when deciding if a statute violates the Ex Post Facto Clause. First, the Court is guided by the overall purpose of the clause. Second, the Court looks to specific tests and factors developed over time.
As noted in prior commentary, there were few Ex Post Facto cases in the first two hundred years after its enactment.18 However, when the Court did deal with Ex Post Facto Clause challenges, it identified two major purposes: “1) preventing ‘arbitrary and potentially vindictive legislation’” and 2) “providing notice to the general public that their actions have been criminalized prior to prosecution.” 19
The goal of preventing vindictive legislation surfaced in the first case to consider the Ex Post Facto Clause. In Calder v. Bull, which contains the classic Supreme Court take on the clause, Justice Chase, speaking of the history of Ex Post Facto Laws, stated, “[w]ith very few exceptions, the advocates of [Ex Post Facto] laws were stimulated by ambition, or personal resentment, and vindictive malice. To prevent such, and similar, acts of violence and injustice, I believe, the Federal and State Legislatures, were prohibited from passing any bill of attainder; or any Ex Post Facto law.” 20 Additionally, in Miller v. Florida, 21 the Court stated that the first historical purpose of the Clause, as derived from Calder v. Bull22 was to “assure that federal and state legislatures were restrained from enacting arbitrary or vindictive legislation . . . [and to] preventing legislative abuses.” 23
The second historical purpose, also derived from Calder and other early sources, is to “‘give fair warning of their effect and permit individuals to rely on their meaning until explicitly changed.’” 24 This is essentially a notice requirement.25 The two historical purposes of the Clause have traditionally been discussed in Court cases as a foundation or a framework for the specific Ex Post Facto analysis.26
Generally, the Ex Post Facto Clause prevents Federal or State legislatures from enacting any law “‘which imposes a punishment for an act which was not punishable at the time it was committed; or imposes additional punishment to that then prescribed.’” 27 Therefore, the Court has stated that in order for a criminal law to violate the Ex Post Facto Clause it must “be retrospective, that is, it must apply to events occurring before its enactment, and it must disadvantage the offender affected by it.” 28
However, it is not always clear whether a law has criminal or civil implications. The court employs a two-part test, what has been called the “intent-effects test,” in order to make this determination.29 According to this test, the court “must initially ascertain whether the legislature meant the statute to establish ‘civil’ proceedings.”30 This inquiry determines whether the legislature either “expressly or impliedly” desired the statute to carry a criminal or a civil label.31 If a court determines that the legislature wanted the statute to carry a criminal label, then they need not proceed any further and all applicable Constitutional protections will apply. If, however, the court finds that the legislature intended the regulation to be civil, it must then determine whether “the statutory scheme [is] so punitive either in purpose or effect as to negate [the State's] intention” to deem it “civil.” 32
In order to make this determination, the court uses a multi-factor test, including:whether the sanction involves an affirmative disability or restraint, whether it has historically been regarded as a punishment, whether it comes into play only on a finding of scienter, whether its operation will promote the traditional aims of punishment-retribution and deterrence, whether the behavior to which it applies is already a crime, whether an alternative purpose to which it may rationally be connected is assignable for it, and whether it appears excessive in relation to the alternative purpose assigned.33
Each factors is relevant to the inquiry, and as the Court noted they “may often point in differing directions.” 34 In the past, the Court advised that no one factor is dispositive and that this may not be an exclusive list of considerations.35 Additionally, a court will only look at the face of the law, not its enforcement, to see if the Ex Post Facto Clause is implicated. Finally, the Court stated that the legislature’s express or implied intent that the statute be civil in nature will be overcome only by the “clearest proof” that the statute is actually punitive.36 However, as subsequent sections will describe, as the courts have dropped the twin historical aims, the multi factor test is left without a framework or foundation. Additionally, the “clearest proof” has thus far been an impossible standard to meet in federal courts.
As a thought exercise, what bounds might cordon these retroactive applications of law? — JosephS
When you mentioned Nuremberg, I heard 'crimes against humanity'. — JosephS
Did Nazi Germany sign onto any treaties that would have supported the sort of penalties they faced? — JosephS
I was hoping that this was going to be a proposal on how we could augment/modify our ex post facto jurisprudence in the wake of monstrous harm. — JosephS
So are insurance companies. So are distributors. They too should be subject to punishment. — Bitter Crank
Most people who have taken opioids for pain have not experienced such a pleasant effect from the drugs that they return for more, again and again. They stop taking the drugs as soon as pain diminishes. There is a subset of people for whom opioids (and maybe other drugs like nicotine, alcohol...) produce pleasures which they can not resist. They are dead-ringers for addiction. This is not a recently discovered phenomenon. — Bitter Crank
The point of severe retributive justice is to insure that a person committing a capital crime doesn't, and can't, re-offend. — Bitter Crank
For a corporation severe retributive punishment serves the same purpose: to make sure that agents who operated the corporation can not again engage in conspiracies which caused great harm to large numbers of people. — Bitter Crank
One of the teams prosecuting Purdue said that it was essential that the Purdue company be dissolved and the Sackler Family stripped of its wealth. The reason, he said, is that we need to make sure that Purdue and the Sacklers don't just move their operation overseas and continue to do to people in the third world what they have done to people in the United States. — Bitter Crank
The Sacklers / Purdue conducted a particularly cynical operation--NOT in the production of opiates, but in the marketing, promotion, and distribution of Opiates. — Bitter Crank
Sure enough: some "pain clinics" were producing an extraordinary volume of opiate sales. — Bitter Crank
Above board doctors do not normally over-supply patients with opiates, for several reasons. One is that opiates may be used for suicide. Two, the opiates are easy to sell on the street. Three is that patients who take opiates for an extended period of time (needed or not) are likely to be addicted. Fourth, and not the least reason, is for recklessly handing out narcotic Rx a doctor may lose his license to practice.
A fair amount of corruption has to be in place for the drug producer, distributor, clinic, doctor, and druggist to be able to move very large quantities of narcotic drugs. We can rest assured that where opiate overdoses are resulting in sharp increases in ODs, the problem is stacked up several layers deep. — Bitter Crank
practically, I am not convinced it would be worth the Civil War that would inevitably erupt — ZhouBoTong
Adequate restorative justice for so much death and damage is difficult to imagine. — Bitter Crank
, which is likely a big part of the "rules" I am referring to.It will probably take a civil war to get from "for profit production" to "for need production". — Bitter Crank
So yes, I think we are farther away from substantial reform now than we were during Nixon's administration. — Bitter Crank
Conservatives were unhappy about Social Security, Unemployment, and Disability programs (1930s), and challenged the programs in court. — Bitter Crank
However, the US isn't alone in all this. I think a lot of people in other countries have also had very disappointing experiences in the last 50 years. The US isn't an exception to the rest of the world. — Bitter Crank
Do you believe that massive political change is possible? The older I get, the more I worry that massive political change would require such a huge change in worldview for most people, that they are unwilling to even consider the possibility. — ZhouBoTong
I am a product of the last 40 years — ZhouBoTong
What I have gathered from the news [NYT for example is that Purdue Pharma (and the Sackler family) did two things:
1) they misrepresented oxycontin as "less addictive"
2) and "less likely to be abused"
3) and they promoted the drug very vigorously
4) for two decades
when, in fact, the company was aware from 1996 that oxycontin was as addictive as any other opiate — Bitter Crank
I'd have to read more about it, but what did Perdue Pharma do that should make them liable for anything? — Terrapin Station
If they did let physicians know it, then it would be up to physicians to inform their patients, and then it's up to the patients to take the risk or not. — Terrapin Station
But wouldn't it have been pretty soon apparent in the medical community that it's not less addictive? — Terrapin Station
Are you saying WHEN millions of people die that I am in no way liable because they knew what they were getting into? — ZhouBoTong
We all admit that children can't be responsible for their decisions, what makes most adults any better? — ZhouBoTong
You have WAY more faith in people than I do (or maybe you just like the idea of thinning the herd, haha). — ZhouBoTong
Hey doc, sounds great. How long does the effect of a dose last? How many years can one stretch out the 100 doses? — Bitter Crank
We all admit that children can't be responsible for their decisions, what makes most adults any better?
— ZhouBoTong
I don't agree with the first part of that — Terrapin Station
Why do you believe that you should be able to decide for others that they shouldn't be allowed to decide to risk and take their own lives this way? — Terrapin Station
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