Nixon resigned before he could be impeached. Clinton was impeached for perjury--lying under oath, which most people agree qualifies under "high Crimes and Misdemeanors"--but was acquitted by the Senate.Again look at history: Nixon, Clinton, et. al. — 3017amen
Again, there would have to be sufficient evidence to establish beyond a reasonable doubt that Trump did something amounting to "Treason, Bribery, or other high Crimes and Misdemeanors" for there to be a constitutional basis to remove him from office. Anything below that intentionally high bar is irrelevant. The voters will have the opportunity to deny him a second term on that basis in just 13 months.And I will cover more stringent criteria that relates to the president putting his personal gain over national security interests — 3017amen
Unless sufficient evidence is presented to establish beyond a reasonable doubt that he is truly guilty of "Treason, Bribery, or other high Crimes and Misdemeanors"- — aletheist
Induction can prove a normative. You're thinking deduction. — 3017amen
Then what does deductive logic do? — 3017amen
The relevant language is not in a mere statute, it is in the Constitution itself; and it does not say "high crimes, misdemeanors, and other," it says "Treason, Bribery, and other high Crimes and Misdemeanors." Whether alleged abuse of power rises to that level, and whether there is sufficient evidence to establish beyond a reasonable doubt that a president is guilty of it--thus warranting removal from office--is for a simple majority of the House of Representatives (as grand jury) and then a two-thirds majority of the Senate (as trial jury) to decide.And the reason why it can be construed as such is because the statute is 'high crimes misdemeanors and other...' Abuse of power is 'the other' — 3017amen
Public dissatisfaction with the President's performance, no matter how overwhelming, is not a constitutional basis for impeachment. That requires sufficient evidence of "Treason, Bribery, or other high Crimes and Misdemeanors" for the House of Representatives to adopt formal charges by a simple majority vote. Of course, this would not yet result in removal from office--that requires a subsequent two-thirds majority vote by the Senate, after a trial presided over by the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court.
I did not and will not vote for Donald Trump, because I consider him unfit for the office, temperamentally and otherwise. Nevertheless, it is clear to me that all this impeachment talk is pure political theater, predicated on flimsy pretense. The only viable strategy for getting rid of Trump is to offer voters a better alternative next November. — aletheist
The Supreme Court has held that such phrases must be construed, not according to modern usage, but according to what the framers meant when they adopted them. Chief Justice John Marshall wrote of another such phrase:
"It is a technical term. It is used in a very old statute of that country whose language is our language, and whose laws form the substratum of our laws. It is scarcely conceivable that the term was not employed by the framers of our constitution in the sense which had been affixed to it by those from whom we borrowed it."
Since 1386, the English parliament had used the term “high crimes and misdemeanors” to describe one of the grounds to impeach officials of the crown. Officials accused of “high crimes and misdemeanors” were accused of offenses as varied as misappropriating government funds, appointing unfit subordinates, not prosecuting cases, not spending money allocated by Parliament, promoting themselves ahead of more deserving candidates, threatening a grand jury, disobeying an order from Parliament, arresting a man to keep him from running for Parliament, losing a ship by neglecting to moor it, helping “suppress petitions to the King to call a Parliament,” granting warrants without cause, and bribery. Some of these charges were crimes. Others were not. The one common denominator in all these accusations was that the official had somehow abused the power of his office and was unfit to serve.
Fitness for the office is up to the judgment of the voters. Evidence sufficient to establish beyond a reasonable doubt the commission of "Treason, Bribery, or other high Crimes and Misdemanors" is up to the judgment of a simple majority of the House (for formal charges) and a two-thirds majority of the Senate (for conviction and removal).You yourself say that he is "unfit for the office" and being unfit to serve is right there in the description of what counts as high crimes and misdemeanors. — Michael
Fitness for the office is up to the judgment of the voters. Evidence sufficient to establish beyond a reasonable doubt the commission of "Treason, Bribery, or other high Crimes and Misdemanors" is up to the judgment of a simple majority of the House (for formal charges) and a two-thirds majority of the Senate (for conviction and removal). — aletheist
Yes, and we call that process an election, which will take place in just over 13 months. — aletheist
one can draw reasonable inferences from the premises or facts stated. Inductive reasoning relates to probabilities or likelihoods of things being true. — 3017amen
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