Not allowing people to speak is censorship, and omitting truth is propaganda. I hope people realize this is taking place in what were formerly known as civilized societies. — Tzeentch
As the The Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe notes about NATO:
The NATO Participation Act of 1994 (PL 103-447) provided a reasonable framework for addressing concerns about NATO enlargement, consistent with U.S. interests in ensuring stability in Europe. The law lists a variety of criteria, such as respect for democratic principles and human rights enshrined in the Helsinki Final Act, against which to evaluate the suitability of prospective candidates for NATO membership. — ssu
Russia’s Longest Standing Human Rights Organization Dissolved by State Courts
— Tony Spitz · Veuer · Jan 26, 2023 (1m:14s) — Jan 26, 2023
Would it be worthwhile differentiating? (intentionally omitted "shoot on sight!")
I wouldn't say Chomsky "and a myriad of others" are being gagged. — jorndoe
Would it be worthwhile differentiating? (intentionally omitted "shoot on sight!") — jorndoe
— Mearsheimer (paraphrased): Everyone should have known that Putin would have Russia attack Ukraine
— Others: Ukraine's defense and political dealings with the West ain't up to Putin to decide, and, besides, Ukrainian NATO membership wouldn't doom Russia to destruction (Feb24, Mar18, Apr26, May7, Jun10, Oct27), let alone a Russia without Crimea
— Cynic: Bah, it's all just rhetoric, entitlement, propaganda, manipulation by everyone — jorndoe
- Zbigniew Brzezinski, The Grand Chessboard (1997). p.30 - 31.For America, the chief geopolitical prize is Eurasia... America's global primacy is directly dependent on how long and how effectively its preponderance on the Eurasian continent is sustained.
About 75% of the world's people live in Eurasia, and most of the world's physical wealth is there as well, both in its enterprises and underneath its soil. Eurasia accounts for three-fourths of the world's energy resources.
- Ibid. p. 41 - 42.Geopolitical pivots are the states whose importance is derived not from their power and motivation but rather from their sensitive location and from the consequences of their potentially vulnerable condition for the behavior of geostrategic players.
[...]
Ukraine, Azerbaijan, South Korea, Turkey, and Iran play the role of critically important geopolitical pivots, though both Turkey and Iran are to some extent -- within their more limited capabilities -- also geostrategically active.
- Ibid. p. 46.Ukraine, a new and important space on the Eurasian chessboard, is a geopolitical pivot because its very existence as an independent country helps to transform Russia. Without Ukraine, Russia ceases to be a Eurasian empire. Russia without Ukraine can still strive for
imperial status, but it would then become a predominantly Asian imperial state, more likely to be drawn into debilitating conflicts with aroused Central Asians, who would then be resentful of the loss of their recent independence and would be supported by their fellow Islamic states to the south.
- Ibid, p. 50 - 51.Given the growing consensus regarding the desirability of admitting the nations
of Central Europe into both the EU and NATO, the practical meaning of this question focuses attention on the future status of the Baltic republics and perhaps also that of Ukraine.
- Ibid. p. 96.In brief, Russia, until recently the forger of a great territorial empire and the leader of an ideological bloc of satellite states extending into the very heart of Europe and at one point to the South China Sea, had become a troubled national state, without easy geographic access to the outside world and potentially vulnerable to debilitating conflicts with its neighbors on its western, southern, and eastern flanks. Only the uninhabitable and inaccessible northern spaces, almost permanently frozen, seemed geopolitically secure.
- Ibid. p. 194 - 195.How the United States both manipulates and accommodates the principal geostrategic players on the Eurasian chessboard and how it manages Eurasia's key geopolitical pivots will be critical to the longevity and stability of America's global primacy.
- Ibid. p. 203.It follows that political and economic support for the key newly independent states is an integral part of a broader strategy for Eurasia. The consolidation of a sovereign Ukraine, which in the meantime redefines itself as a Central European state and engages in closer integration with Central Europe, is a critically important component of such a policy,
Anyone who understands the above paragraphs, understands. — Tzeentch
What I find especially striking is how liberal interventionists, unrepentant neoconservatives, and a handful of progressives who are all-in for Ukraine seem to have no doubts whatsoever about the origins of the conflict or the proper course of action to follow today. For them, Russian President Vladimir Putin is solely and totally responsible for the war, and the only mistakes others may have made in the past was to be too nice to Russia and too willing to buy its oil and gas. The only outcome they are willing to entertain is a complete Ukrainian victory, ideally accompanied by regime change in Moscow, the imposition of reparations to finance Ukrainian reconstruction, and war crimes trials for Putin and his associates. Convinced that anything less than this happy result will reward aggression, undermine deterrence, and place the current world order in jeopardy, their mantra is: “Whatever it takes for as long as it takes.”
This same group has also been extraordinarily critical of those who believe responsibility for the war is not confined to Russia’s president and who think these war aims might be desirable in the abstract but are unlikely to be achieved at an acceptable cost and risk. If you have the temerity to suggest that NATO enlargement (and the policies related to it) helped pave the road to war, if you believe the most likely outcome is a negotiated settlement and that getting there sooner rather than later would be desirable, and if you favor supporting Ukraine but think this goal should be weighed against other interests, you’re almost certain to be denounced as a pro-Putin stooge, an appeaser, an isolationist, or worse.
If the world is forced to choose the lesser evil from a set of bad choices, a more civil and less accusatory discourse would make it easier for policymakers to consider a wider range of alternatives as well as make it more likely that Ukraine and the coalition that is presently supporting it make the right call.
A mutual defence pact with a country that doesn't have the necessary checks and balances to ensure it doesn't elect a dictator or abuse minorities doesn't go down well. — Benkei
My understanding — neomac
Moderately significant benefits
•Fewer Ukrainians would be living under Russian occupation. The United States has a humanitarian interest in exposing fewer Ukrainians to Russian occupation.
Less significant benefits
•Ukraine could become more economically viable and less dependent on external assistance. Areas under Russian control as of December 2022 are unlikely to prove hugely economically significant.
• Ukrainian control of more of its sovereign land may reinforce the territorial integrity norm.
Highly significant costs
• Enabling greater Ukrainian territorial control increases the risk of a long war.
• There is a higher risk of Russian nuclear weapons use or a NATO-Russia war if Ukraine pushes past the February 24, 2022, line of control. Avoiding these two forms of escalation is the paramount U.S. priority.
Moderately significant costs
• Ukraine would have a greater need for external economic and military support during and after the war.
• More Ukrainian civilians would die, be displaced, or endure hardships stemming from the war.
• There would be continued upward pressure on energy and food prices, causing loss of life and suffering globally.
• Global economic growth would slow.
• The United States would be less able to focus on other global priorities.
• An ongoing freeze in U.S.-Russia relations would pose challenges to other U.S. priorities.
Less significant costs
• There is a possibility of Russian territorial gains. Russia is not likely to make significant territorial gains
• Russian dependence on China could increase. Russia will be more dependent on China than it was before the war regardless of its duration.
...but, you know, I'm sure your guesses are good too... — Isaac
That doesn't get us anywhere since none of us are qualified to comment on the accuracy of those facts. We can only discuss ideology. — Isaac
My understanding: Ukraine must be part of the West security system (inside or outside NATO may have pros/cons for Russia too!). Russia gave the West the justification on a golden plate. Ukraine (which is far more reliable then Turkey in containing Russia in that area) will be important later on, as soon as the military clash between the US and China materializes. To keep Russia out of it. — neomac
Now, my theory is that they didn't aim to keep Russia out (they wouldn't be able to), but to drag the Europeans in. — Tzeentch
Ukraine and possibly all of Europe served up as the sacrificial pawns when that great power conflict breaks loose. — Tzeentch
Many people found themselves in a difficult situation, lost their homes, were forced to move to relatives or to temporary places of residence, faced interruptions in the supply of water, heat, and electricity. — Putin
An off-the-books mercenary army is gaining power in Putin’s Russia
— Zachary B Wolf · CNN · Jan 30, 2023
Inside the battle for Bakhmut, where Ukraine's tech-savvy troops say Russia treats men like meat
— Debora Patta, Steve Berriman, Tucker Reals · CBS News · Jan 31, 2023 — Jan 31, 2023
What I don't think should be in question at all is what you say: trying to take the discourse into a place in which we can have an effect (in principle) on policy, and that means our own countries, not a foreign one.
But this truism, is questioned as being doubtful. — Manuel
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