As said many times, I believe Putin is wholly and solely responsible for the criminal invasion of Ukraine, the destruction of billions of dollars worth of property and deaths of hundreds of thousands of people. Wholly and solely. — Wayfarer
The guarantees that Germany made that Ukraine wouldn't become a member after the military buildup that was "military exercizes". Or just read Angela Merkels memoirs. Or look at the position of Hungary on Ukrainian NATO membership. Ukraine has gotten only this "member in the future" without actual timetable. Just look at the comparison to the two newest NATO members: Before actual membership application Turkey didn't see any problem in Finland joining NATO (Finland asked it before the application), but once the actual application was in, then the bazaar haggling by Erdogan started just as with Sweden. Yet now Hungary is directly opposed to Ukrainian membership even before there is no application process ongoing with Ukraine. That's a huge difference.What are you referring to here? The Brussel summit of 2021 reiterated, for the first time in 13 years, that Ukraine would eventually join NATO. It looks like the opposite... — Benkei
We reiterate our support for the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Ukraine, Georgia, and the Republic of Moldova within their internationally recognised borders. In accordance with its international commitments, we call on Russia to withdraw the forces it has stationed in all three countries without their consent. We strongly condemn and will not recognise Russia’s illegal and illegitimate annexation of Crimea, and denounce its temporary occupation. The human rights abuses and violations against the Crimean Tatars and members of other local communities must end. Russia’s recent massive military build-up and destabilising activities in and around Ukraine have further escalated tensions and undermined security. We call on Russia to reverse its military build-up and stop restricting navigation in parts of the Black Sea. We also call on Russia to stop impeding access to the Sea of Azov and Ukrainian ports. We commend Ukraine’s posture of restraint and diplomatic approach in this context. We seek to contribute to de-escalation. We are also stepping up our support to Ukraine. We call for the full implementation of the Minsk Agreements by all sides, and support the efforts of the Normandy format and the Trilateral Contact Group. Russia, as a signatory of the Minsk Agreements, bears significant responsibility in this regard. We call on Russia to stop fuelling the conflict by providing financial and military support to the armed formations it backs in eastern Ukraine. We reiterate our full support to the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) Special Monitoring Mission to Ukraine.
This simply is the "Ukraine can be a member in the future" -rhetoric given already ages ago WITH NO TIMETABLE. Just commentary that Ukraine has done good, but has still to do work in "wide-ranging, sustainable, and irreversible reforms, including combating corruption, promoting an inclusive political process, and decentralisation reform, based on democratic values, respect for human rights, minorities, and the rule of law" and also "Further reforms in the security sector, including the reform of the Security Services of Ukraine". And this will be supported. The limbo that Ukraine was continuing in 2021. And seems to continue today.We reiterate the decision made at the 2008 Bucharest Summit that Ukraine will become a member of the Alliance with the Membership Action Plan (MAP) as an integral part of the process; we reaffirm all elements of that decision, as well as subsequent decisions, including that each partner will be judged on its own merits. We stand firm in our support for Ukraine’s right to decide its own future and foreign policy course free from outside interference. The Annual National Programmes under the NATO-Ukraine Commission (NUC) remain the mechanism by which Ukraine takes forward the reforms pertaining to its aspiration for NATO membership. Ukraine should make full use of all instruments available under the NUC to reach its objective of implementing NATO principles and standards. The success of wide-ranging, sustainable, and irreversible reforms, including combating corruption, promoting an inclusive political process, and decentralisation reform, based on democratic values, respect for human rights, minorities, and the rule of law, will be crucial in laying the groundwork for a prosperous and peaceful Ukraine. Further reforms in the security sector, including the reform of the Security Services of Ukraine, are particularly important. We welcome significant reforms already made by Ukraine and strongly encourage further progress in line with Ukraine’s international obligations and commitments. We will continue to provide practical support to reform in the security and defence sector, including through the Comprehensive Assistance Package. We will also continue to support Ukraine’s efforts to strengthen its resilience against hybrid threats, including through intensifying activities under the NATO-Ukraine Platform on Countering Hybrid Warfare. We welcome the cooperation between NATO and Ukraine with regard to security in the Black Sea region. The Enhanced Opportunities Partner status granted last year provides further impetus to our already ambitious cooperation and will promote greater interoperability, with the option of more joint exercises, training, and enhanced situational awareness. Military cooperation and capacity building initiatives between Allies and Ukraine, including the Lithuanian-Polish-Ukrainian Brigade, further reinforce this effort. We highly value Ukraine’s significant contributions to Allied operations, the NATO Response Force, and NATO exercises.
We reiterate the decision made at the 2008 Bucharest Summit that Ukraine will become a member of the Alliance [...]
:rofl:These aren't 'Kremlin lies' - these are common views held among many Western scholars — Tzeentch
Good debate is to produce a counterargument based on some evidence, a clear way to say just what is wrong or something like that. Which I try to do, but going over and over again things like the Ukrainian revolution isn't worth wile with you as you stick to the obvious anti-American narrative where everything has happened because of the US and Putin simply has responded to such "outright hostility". But seems for you "debate" is like:If you don't want to debate, don't debate, but don't throw this weak nonsense at me. — Tzeentch
"Fresh evidence" - Yea, typical nonsense when unfortunate facts need to be white-washed — Tzeentch
Do we hear from you what was wrong there? — ssu
Just look at how little the surrender deal to the Taleban sparked outcry. — ssu
Yes, this is so. The double whammy of two incompetent leaders is what created us scenes where desperate Afghans try to fly jet transports holding on to their landing gear... not understanding that they will die as the cruise speed of the aircraft is 520 mph and it flies at altitudes they won't have oxygen and aren't going to survive the cold either.Let’s not forget, however, that while Trump inked the deal with the Taliban that lead to the US withdrawal, it was Biden who had to execute it, which lead to those disastrous scenes and deaths at Kabul Airport and the debacle of the collapse of the Afghan military. — Wayfarer
It's not so rosy either for Putin and Russia. He is burning through a lot of manpower and war material. It's not like all would be lost for Ukraine.I think it’s too optimistic to hope for Ukraine to turn the tide of war, but it’s desperately important to avoid and outcome that Putin can claim as a victory. — Wayfarer
Here you can see that Kellogg is fully aware of the reason why Putin attacked Ukraine and is fully aware (unlike the pro-Kremlin apologists. Mearsheimer, Sachs) of the reasons why this isn't only about NATO enlargement.Ukraine’s potential admission to NATO was a sensitive issue for Vladimir Putin even before Joe Biden took the oath of office in January 2021. Although Putin was momentarily open to the idea in the early 2000s, he began to speak out against it after the 2008 NATO Bucharest Summit, which confirmed that NATO one day planned to admit Ukraine as a member.
Putin has long argued that Ukraine could never leave Russia’s sphere of influence by claiming Russians and Ukrainians are one people, denying that Ukrainians are a separate people, and opposing the idea of an independent Ukrainian state. During a one-on-one meeting with President George W. Bush in 2008, Putin said, “You have to understand, George. Ukraine is not even a country.” During a visit to Kyiv in 2013, Putin said, “God wanted the two countries to be together,” and their union was based upon “the authority of the Lord,” unalterable by any earthly force.[ii] Putin underscored and highlighted this idea in a July 2021 essay, “On the Historical Unity of Russians and Ukrainians,” in which he argued Ukraine could only be sovereign in partnership with Russia and asserted that present-day Ukraine occupies historically Russian lands.[iii]
During a February 2024 interview with Putin by journalist Tucker Carlson, Putin provided a long, nonsensical account of Russian and Ukrainian history in which he disputed Ukraine’s nationality and history and repeated his ridiculous claims that Russia invaded Ukraine in part to fight Nazism in the country.[iv]
An America First approach could have prevented the invasion.
First, it was in America’s best interests to maintain peace with Putin and not provoke and alienate him with aggressive globalist human rights and pro-democracy campaigns or an effort to promote Ukrainian membership in NATO. It made no sense even to allude to supporting eventual NATO membership for Ukraine, as this would require a unanimous vote of NATO members, which at the time was highly unlikely. Ukraine also needed to meet stiff membership requirements, including democratic and military reforms that included aligning the Ukrainian military with NATO equipment. (At the June 2023 NATO Summit in Vilnius, NATO members pledged to admit Ukraine once they agreed "conditions are met," and dropped the membership requirements. This was understood to mean NATO would consider admitting Ukraine after the war ends.)
Second, it was in America’s interest to make a deal with Putin on Ukraine joining NATO, especially by January 2022 when there were signs that a Russian invasion was imminent. This was the time when the Biden Administration should have dropped its obsession with publicly criticizing Putin and worked toward a compromise. A U.S. offer to delay Ukraine’s admission into NATO for a decade might have been enough to convince Putin to call off the invasion, but Biden Administration officials refused to make such an offer.
Third, the United States and its allies should have sent substantial lethal aid to Ukraine in the fall of 2021 to deter a Russian invasion. Instead, as an invasion appeared likely in December 2021, Biden ignored urgent appeals from Zelenskyy for military aid—especially anti-tank Javelins and anti-air Stingers—and warned Putin that the United States would send lethal aid to Ukraine if Russia invaded. Biden’s message conveyed U.S. weakness to Putin, implying he could use military intimidation to manipulate U.S. policy toward Ukraine.
This should start with a formal U.S. policy to bring the war to a conclusion.
Specifically, it would mean a formal U.S. policy to seek a cease-fire and negotiated settlement of the Ukraine conflict. The United States would continue to arm Ukraine and strengthen its defenses to ensure Russia will make no further advances and will not attack again after a cease-fire or peace agreement. Future American military aid, however, will require Ukraine to participate in peace talks with Russia.
To convince Putin to join peace talks, President Biden and other NATO leaders should offer to put off NATO membership for Ukraine for an extended period in exchange for a comprehensive and verifiable peace deal with security guarantees.
In their April 2023 Foreign Affairs article, Richard Haass and Charles Kupchan proposed that in exchange for abiding by a cease-fire, a demilitarized zone, and participating in peace talks, Russia could be offered some limited sanctions relief. Ukraine would not be asked to relinquish the goal of regaining all its territory, but it would agree to use diplomacy, not force, with the understanding that this would require a future diplomatic breakthrough which probably will not occur before Putin leaves office. Until that happens, the United States and its allies would pledge to only fully lift sanctions against Russia and normalize relations after it signs a peace agreement acceptable to Ukraine. We also call for placing levies on Russian energy sales to pay for Ukrainian reconstruction.
By enabling Ukraine to negotiate from a position of strength while also communicating to Russia the consequences if it fails to abide by future peace talk conditions, the United States could implement a negotiated end-state with terms aligned with U.S. and Ukrainian interests. Part of this negotiated end-state should include provisions in which we establish a long-term security architecture for Ukraine’s defense that focuses on bilateral security defense. Including this in a Russia-Ukraine peace deal offers a path toward long-term peace in the region and a means of preventing future hostilities between the two nations.
Would he, after all what he has said, then truly ramp up the support of Ukraine to pressure Putin?
I think we have to face up to the fact that the Russians think they're in a state of war with us. Donald Tusk has referred to it as a pre-war situation. I think he's wrong. I think it's an actual war. We've seen already quite clearly some very aggressive moves on the part of the Russians in various European countries. I think we're in a very difficult situation, and Russia is probably better to have some sort of dialogue with them, than no contact at all. So I don't rule that out. But I think at the moment, I'm not sure Russia is in a mood or a situation where it's going to be very easy to talk to Putin. — Richard Dearlove (interview) · Sky News · Nov 27, 2024 · 1m:4s
But I think it may also be Zelensky's attempt to, in effect, call the West’s bluff. Actually getting all Nato’s 32 members to agree to a quick membership would be very difficult, but in effect he is asking, ‘If not the Article 5 security guarantee, what else could be offered?’ — Mark Galeotti (via Andy Gregory) · The Independent · Dec 1, 2024
And all deals simply don't go through. "Winning" any deal might not be a win.Potentially, yes. Trump thinks about things very transactionally. He wants to "win" any deal. — Count Timothy von Icarus
Would in the end the US do this? That's the real question. I'm all for Trump if would seek a position of strength for Ukraine, but is it really this. Where US has really commitment is supporting Israel. That's where I see a real bipartisan commitment, which isn't fluttering in the Wind. Ukraine hasn't that. In 2016 Trump did give a damn on Ukraine. Anyway, I fear that in the US many politicians see Ukraine simply as a "problem". Like Iraq, Afghanistan, South Vietnam etc. While Putin can indeed declare a victory. After all, according to him, Russia has fought NATO all along, hence Russia can say it has defeated the might of the West and prevailed.What is Putin going to do, declare "victory" while leaving the "Nazi regime" in power in Kyiv with explicit US security guarantees that are for all intents and purposes going to have the same effect as being in NATO — Count Timothy von Icarus
Yes, the idea of Russia that has regained it's territory, Russia re-emerging from it's latest "Time of Troubles" is indeed worth that. It's irrelevant that Crimea and the Donbas are basically more of a dead weight and a burden than new resources that would or could vitalize the country. It's irrelevant that the important economic ties to Europe are cut. Putin doesn't care a shit about economics. He has re-iterated even today what a disaster the collapse of the Soviet Union was and this is his attempt to restore it. Politicians do start wars because of ideas.This was what was worth all the deaths — Count Timothy von Icarus
Russia could lose as it did lose the Russo-Japanese War or the Soviet-Polish war. A war lost would likely change Russian politics and lead to internal reforms. Yet if the West repeats to itself again and again that "the Ukraine war is unwinnable", then Putin will win and Russia won't stop at Ukraine.I can certainly see Putin being forced to overreach and this triggering a stronger response. — Count Timothy von Icarus
Except that in the case of North Korea it isn't in a proxy war. When you commit your own armed forces into a war, you are directly a combatant, whatever you say about denying the whole issue or declare them being "volunteers" etc.As mentioned sometime, continuing to bring up "NATO is in a proxy war with Russia", is about as helpful/useful as saying "North Korea and Iran are in a proxy war with Ukraine", — jorndoe
Potentially, yes. Trump thinks about things very transactionally. He wants to "win" any deal. — Count Timothy von Icarus
That's the worry. That he will do the same thing for Ukrainian that he did to the Republic of Afghanista, a surrender deal and hence assist the Russians as he did the Taleban.I'd be pretty surprised if he supports Ukraine in any way. Why would he? — frank
NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte has told U.S. President-elect Donald Trump that Washington would face a "dire threat" from China, Iran, and North Korea if Ukraine is forced to accept an unfavorable peace deal, the Financial Times reported on Dec. 2.
NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte has told U.S. President-elect Donald Trump that Washington would face a "dire threat" from China, Iran, and North Korea if Ukraine is forced to accept an unfavorable peace deal, the Financial Times reported on Dec. 2.
Did you notice that when you bugged out from Afghanistan, the ally of yours collapsed immediately after you directly negotiated with your Islamist enemies without them? — ssu
This Trump-Biden cop out made Putin to think you wouldn't react much if he attempted a takeover Ukraine — ssu
Hence if you push for a similar "peace" that is very unfavorable for Ukraine, just like you did with North Vietnam and the Taleban (without caring much about South Vietnam or Afghanistan), then you embolden Russia, China and North Korea.
Hope you understand the logic. — ssu
Indeed the American response was totally different as in the first Twin Tower bombings, but you did it. As the saying goes, once you break it, you own it. But I guess now the idea is to break it, then get bored and simply walk away.Yes, but I thought Afghanistan was invaded on a quest to find Osama Bin Ladin. — frank
Really?I think that's because 1) it's not really in American interest to protect countries near Russia — frank
Why embrace decline? Is cultural pessimism so trendy?2) the US is in decline, with a giant debt that will never be paid and concerns over how it's going to keep paying social security. — frank
Ask first, what will you do?What do you think Russia, China, and North Korea are going to do? — frank
Do you think that it's bad that girls and women would be educated? — ssu
I think that's because 1) it's not really in American interest to protect countries near Russia
— frank
Really?
That doesn't sound well to a Finn, or a Swede. — ssu
In the case of Afghanistan, it was raised. You don't need a global government to do this.If we had a global government, that would be an issue that could be raised. — frank
I'll repeat. What is so wrong with having an alliance? Several countries together are stronger than one alone. And the EU is actually giving in total more money to Ukraine than the US.Redirect funds from social programs to defense? — frank
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