When I got involved with a group of grandparents fighting for grandparents' rights, I was horrified by the fighting for control that almost destroyed our united effort, and I notice in the reading that there were divisions in the socialist movement for the same reason. We are highly motivated when we feel important to the movement, and like churches break up into different sects, political activist groups seem to do the same thing. Strong leaders need followers, they tend to compete against each other.
For sure owning one's own property is desirable. There are some benefits to renting, but I rather have control over property choices and who can live in my home, than feel like I am still living with my parents because the owners and managers have all the rights, not the renters. Not to neglect, when we own we build equity and when we rent, not only do we not have equity but the cost of renting goes up and up, preventing renters from getting economically ahead and preparing for retirement. Those are important differences.
"This is why they dubbed socialism "a business proposition"" I really like your explanation of that and I must ponder it. It makes perfect sense to me to work with economic interests instead of against them.
And it seems to me, some of the important Fabians were educators, not industrialists. That might be important to their take on things? Education is essential to liberty and I think liberty is very important. It goes with owning land and having property rights, versus renting and living under rules made without us having a say in them.
I think I favor the democratic model for industry. I like the idea of worker-owned industry but there must be strong leadership as in a republic, not the inefficiency of democracy that lacks strong leadership. Thank you for making the issue comprehensible. — Athena
You are quite right about private property and for very good reasons which we can address later. Suffice it to say for now that the vast majority of people were and still are against the abolition of private property and this induced the Fabians to distance themselves, at least in public, from more radical forms of socialism.
The danger of activist movements is that they involve many different people with different outlooks, interests and agendas and this can make those movements vulnerable to infiltration and manipulation by other interests.
The Fabians' involvement with corporate interests did make sense for several reasons, the principal one being that their projects required the kind of moneys that the Fabians simply did not have. The downside to that is that Fabian projects being increasingly larger and more costly, Fabianism over time became totally dependent on corporate donors and ended up representing the interests of the corporate community over those of the general public.
This would be one key point to keep in mind.
The London School of Economics (LSE) is a case in point. Originally owned and controlled by the Fabians, control soon passed from the Fabians to the corporations whose directors currently sit on its board and decide policy.
I think education was where this discussion originally started. I communicate with university students and professors on an almost daily basis. When I mention Fabianism and its influence there is first perplexed silence but after consulting the sources they all end up thanking me for bringing it to their attention.
It would have been impossible to clarify this point in a few sentences. Education was absolutely central to the Fabian project. There is an excellent study by Fabian Society archivist Patricia Pugh, Educate, Agitate, Organize: 100 Years of Fabian Socialism, which makes this point more than clear. I will post a link if I find one, but here is a review of it
Review: [Untitled] on JSTOR
The LSE was founded in 1895 and was the first big project started by the Fabians. It later merged with and took over the University of London. But the Fabians were taking over the entire education system. They initiated education reform in the whole of England. Shaw in his paper “Educational Reform” (1889) wrote that the aim was “control over the whole education system, from the elementary school to the University and over all educational endowments”.
The word “endowments” itself speaks volumes. The Fabians had the backing of leading bankers and industrialists and were given free hand by the King to do virtually as they pleased in the name of “enlightenment” and “progress”. They took control of the London School Board, the London County Council, university societies, students’ unions, top institutions like Imperial College and Royal Economic Society, foundations, endowments, and pretty much everything that had to do with education.
Beatrice Webb wrote in her diary that the LSE was “
stealthily establishing itself as
the English school of economics and political science” and concluded that thanks to the activities of the Fabian Society, the LSE, the London County Council Progressives (allies of the Fabians) and the influence of Fabian books, “no young man or woman who wanted to study or work in public affairs could fail to come under Fabian influence”.
In a nutshell, this was the Fabian plan or “conspiracy”: to systematically, and in their own words “stealthily”, take over education and, through education, also culture, politics and governance. And, as explained by R. Martin, they replicated this in America and throughout the British Empire. In other words, these are the practical details to Wells' more general outlines.
If people want to know why the education system in England and America is the way it is, Fabian and corporate influence or control is a big part of the answer.
In any case, it is clear that Fabianism is not a democratic enterprise. The people have absolutely no say in it. If we want to change culture we need to change education. But we can't do that when education is in someone else's hands.