you think you know Putin's motivations — Jack Rogozhin
I wouldn't presume to know his actual motivations. I don't know him and I'm not a psychologist. — Jack Rogozhin
This isn't an issue of imperialism at this point. It is a security and territorial dispute. You can argue its a wrong one on Russia's part, but this isn't--at least not yet--an act of imperialism. — Jack Rogozhin
I would say every leader's--including Biden's, Zelensky's, Macron's, and Xi's--are primarily selfish and self-centered. I do, however, think sometimes a leader's self-interest can alighn with his country's. I don't think Putin was primarily acting out of his country's interests, but Ukraine and NATO created a legitmate threat against his country and himself when Ukraine refused to remain neutral and NATO refused to not put missiles in Ukraine. — Jack Rogozhin
OK. Have they and the claims against them be resolved? Judging by the discourse around the topic, and the changing support for US funding of the war. I imagine they haven't. — Jack Rogozhin
What is the rule here? Are positions only allowed to be said once? — Jack Rogozhin
Newcomer here, so tell me if I'm repeating. — Jack Rogozhin
If we cannot discuss moral claims, then what is left to us - we just fight it out? — Isaac
If another country comes and steals it using military force, they are not entitled to use the same lethal force to retrieve it just because it's rightfully theirs. — Isaac
What do you think you've provided evidence for? That Russia might not overthrow tyranny in eight years? Sure. But that's not the claim, the claim was that it will not. Or your later claim that it is more likely to not. Nothing you've provided has any probability assigned to it. It all simply might be the case. — Isaac
If past facts are irrelevant for probabilities, then anything really might come up. Why should we avoid war then? Past wars cannot inform us if there will be victims, simply that it might be the case. That is your reasoning, right?
Facts underdetermine theories. If you're having trouble with the notion, I'm sure I can dig out a Wikipedia article for your edification. — Isaac
But you do not have facts. If all the evidence I have provided is just 'some other people think otherwise', as you say, then your evidence is also just 'some other people think otherwise', which, as you say, cannot support or counter any claim. So neither theory has sufficient support, we have no reason to believe any of them is true. — Jabberwock
The usual intellectually miserable tactic of framing opponents’ views. Apparently, on matter of facts we can’t prove anything, if we happen to believe anything is because of Western propaganda, what they believe is clearly not propaganda though (even if, on the other side, all narratives are claimed to be all plausible interpretations), on matter of moral we are either coward or cynical (is that yet another interpretation? or The Facts™?). — neomac
What does your comment have to do with my comment?
Are you disputing the fact that other Western countries, and also all the other countries, have not sent their soldiers into Ukraine?
Or are you arguing sending arms to Ukraine is brave? That's what a "brave" country would do, send arms instead of their own soldiers.
Feel free to have at it: You / the Western legacy media / NATO says Ukrainian sovereignty is a moral imperative to uphold ... just not without sending themselves or their own soldiers. If Ukrainian sovereignty is so important, why is it not worth risking our own soldiers lives to see it preserved? — boethius
The usual intellectually miserable tactic of framing opponents’ views. — neomac
Ok, well, un-frame it for me.
In what moral theory is there a cause not worth risking much of anything yourself but is like "totally so important"? Worth sending arms ... but not too many arms!!! — boethius
Now, seen as everyone agrees Ukraine is not worth spilling their own countries blood to defend (at least anyone who actually affects policy), the key question is whether the policy of sending arms instead is a morally justifiable in lieux of our cowardice or then a smart geopolitical move to cynically use Ukrainians to harm Russia, and if the whole of Ukraine needs to be sacrificed to do so that's just "gainz" on the geopolitical chess board. — boethius
you have argued for an alternative between 'peaceful protests and military invasion', but that alternative is false and ahistorical — Jabberwock
Of course it is. Sachs's question isn't 'what caused the revolution in Ukraine', it's 'what caused Russia to invade Ukraine'. His answer to that is the threat of foreign interference in Ukraine, his evidence is the foreign interference in the revolution. To demonstrate that point he need only show that there was indeed foreign interference in the revolution. He does not have to show what proportion of the revolution's cause it was because his argument isn't that "Russia were provoked by over 56.98% foreign interference". It is that Russia were provoked by foreign interference. Any value above zero demonstrates that possibility. — Isaac
Depends on the framing. As I said above...
Easy. The 'desired effects' are freedom for Ukrainians with fewer than a hundred thousand dead. Your proposal has zero chance of achieving that, so mine only has to have greater than zero. Are you arguing that mine also has zero, that Russia cannot shake off tyranny? — Isaac
...if you want to put it in terms of likelihood. — Isaac
Sure, if your sole concern is the ability of Ukrainians to vote in an unimpeded election then maybe there'd be an argument about probability, but why the hell would anyone sane have that as their only goal. — Isaac
We're comparing two options here, It's no good just dismissing one because it's unlikely. What matters is whether it's more likely than the other. — Isaac
For both sides the burden of proof is exactly the same – to show that the expected results of the proposed course of action are more likely than not. Without that it does not matter at all whether the solution would be preferred by both sides, because if it is not likely to happen, it makes no difference. — Jabberwock
↪Tzeentch
You can be sure of whatever you want, still Bennett did not say what Sachs attributed to him. — Jabberwock
• However, being innate to our universe does not necessarily imply any innate, imperative bindingness - what we ought to do regardless of our needs and preferences. — Mark S
People can use this knowledge to resolve disputes about refining their morality to meet their needs and preferences better. — Mark S
And you are better than Naftali Bennett because? — neomac
I'm not claiming either he or you are factually wrong though, am I?
I'm taking issue with ssu's response which frames his opinion as being what "really" happened, and what "in fact..." is the case.
Jeffrey Sachs is neither an idiot, nor a liar, so clearly there is room for more than one legitimate interpretation of the facts. — Isaac
I'm quite happy to accept more than one legitimate interpretation — Isaac
Interviewer: "So they blocked it?"
Naftali Bennett: "Basically, yes. They blocked it and I thought they're wrong. In retrospect it's too soon to know.
[Naftali Bennett lists a number of disadvantages of continuing the war, and then continues...]
On the other hand, and I'm not being cynical, there's a statement here, after very many years. President Biden created an alliance vis-à-vis an aggressor in the general perception and this reflects on other arenas, such as China and Taiwan and there are consequences."
And you know better than Jeffrey Sachs because...? — Isaac
And you know better than Jeffrey Sachs because...? — Isaac
You know what a caricature is, right? It doesn't just mean 'got wrong'. — Isaac
Then how many exactly? Tell me exactly how you made the calculation. — neomac
I just did. — Isaac
Quote where you did it. — neomac
You are campaigning against your own intellectual decency. — neomac
Coming from you, that's rich. :rofl: — Tzeentch
your helpless craving for pinning roughly everything bad is happening primarily on the US. — neomac
... would be an example of caricaturing your opponent's views, yes. I — Isaac
Funny how this has only just occurred to you after nearly 500 pages of having every single opposing view caricatured as Putin-loving, Putinistas, Russiophiles etc... but it's good that you're on top of it now. — Isaac
Then how many exactly? Tell me exactly how you made the calculation. — neomac
I just did. — Isaac
It's not to the penny accounting, but it's just dishonest to present it as if we just don't know. — Isaac
Not that many. This isn't some unknown quantity we might as well toss a coin over. — Isaac
Convincing people that Ukraine has a chance of 'winning' — Isaac
it takes quite the major advertising effort to keep this illusion up — Isaac
Hence the massive social media campaign, of which your posts (wittingly or not) form part — Isaac
It appears those who would post lengthy and strongly-worded posts on how the Ukrainians must continue to fight and die — Tzeentch
Given the overwhelming quantity of posts here doing the latter and very few posts doing the former, it's hard to see how that could be without aim. — Isaac
There have been reports of the Russians pushing for territory in the north. Meanwhile, the Ukrainians haven't reported any territorial gains for about a week or so. That to me is a pretty good indicator that the Ukrainian offensive has likely concluded, and the Russians might be looking to retake the initiative.
The Russians probably wouldn't go on the attack if they believed the Ukrainians may still have capacity left. — Tzeentch
There's no evidence that the Russians intended to absorb or subjugate Ukraine. — Tzeentch
Right. The problem my terminology addresses is that the science of morality (like all science) cannot tell us what our goals somehow ought to be or what we imperatively (prescriptively) ought to do. — Mark S
I can’t say “Prescriptively moral” in the second claim because there is no innate source of normativity in science and, here, I am only describing scientific results with no prescriptive claims based on rational thought or anything else.
Yes, universally moral here refers to what is cross-culturally moral (and even cross-species moral) but has no innate prescriptive power. This is a simple concept in the science of morality but one that does not exist in moral philosophy. — Mark S
Their normativity first comes from groups choosing to advocate these principles as moral references for refining their moral norms based on being most likely to enable achieving shared goals due to increased cooperation. Their normativity comes in the form of hypothetical imperatives in Philippa Foot’s terminology and conditional oughts in mine. — Mark S
https://twitter.com/i/status/1672195411598008324