Explosion is related, but I didn't mention it or need to mention it for the purpose at hand. — TonesInDeepFreeze
Notice that antirealism is defined as being the position that believes that all truths are knowable. As realism rejects antirealism (and vice versa), in follows that realism asserts that some truths are unknowable. — Michael
We've talked about the equivalence of P -> Q to ~P v Q, but it's often more intuitive I think to use another equivalence ~(P & ~Q), and to read this as "no P without Q" . — Srap Tasmaner
A→B means not(A without B). — bongo fury
...This is why I would prefer "No A without B." — Leontiskos
1. If "I am a man and I am not a man" is true then "I am a man" is true.
2. If "I am a man" is true then "I am a man or I am rich" is true.
3. If "I am a man and I am not a man" is true then "I am not a man" is true.
4. If "I am a man or I am rich" is true and if "I am not a man" is true then "I am rich" is true. — Michael
I am a man and I am not a man.
Therefore, I am rich.
It's one argument: — Michael
1. If "I am a man and I am not a man" is true then "I am a man" is true.
2. If "I am a man" is true then "I am a man or I am rich" is true.
3. If "I am a man and I am not a man" is true then "I am not a man" is true.
4. If "I am a man or I am rich" is true and if "I am not a man" is true then "I am rich" is true. — Michael
I am a man and I am not a man.
Therefore, I am rich.
Have you tried to define what you mean by realism somewhere in this thread? — Leontiskos
The realist argues that "the cat is in the box" can be true even if it's not possible for someone to look in the box and see the cat. — Michael
This proposition is true:
1. We do not have evidence that there is no teapot orbiting the Sun
If realism is correct then this proposition is true:
2. It is possible that there is a teapot orbiting the Sun and that we cannot have evidence that there is a teapot orbiting the Sun
My suggestion is that if we cannot have evidence that there is no teapot orbiting the Sun then (1) does not sufficiently justify the claim that there is no teapot orbiting the Sun. — substitution
My suggestion is that if we cannot have evidence that we are brains in a vat then (1) does not sufficiently justify the claim that we are not brains in a vat. — Michael
If there are unknowable truths then there are unjustifiable truths, and if there are unjustifiable truths then a proposition not being justified is not a good reason to reject it. — Michael
Or, "...then a proposition not being justified is not a good reason to reject it." There is an equivocation here on 'reject'. If 'reject' means falsify, then this strikes me as uncontroversial. If 'reject' means "abstain from affirming," then the consequent is false but it does not in fact follow from your premises. — Leontiskos
If there are unknowable truths then there are unjustifiable truths, and if there are unjustifiable truths then a proposition not being justified is not a good reason to reject it. — Michael
I'm not.
I'm trying to explain this: — Michael
Which means science is only in the same position as philosophy. — Srap Tasmaner
As regards its modus operandi, then, all analysis is metaphysical analysis; and, since analysis is what gives its scientific character to science, science and metaphysics are inextricably united, and stand or fall together.
~R.G. Collingwood, Essay on Metaphysics — Pantagruel
The problem with realism is that it entails this kind of global skepticism. If there are unknowable truths then there are unjustifiable truths, and if there are unjustifiable truths then a proposition not being justified is not a good reason to reject it. — Michael
Alright I will do you one better. According to both Torah law and rabbinic law, a seminal emission places one in a state of ritual impurity. Yet Jewish men are required to procreate. Thus, one can knowingly and voluntarily enter into a state of impurity yet it be a good, obligatory act. — BitconnectCarlos
Then we're in agreement here. :up: — BitconnectCarlos
"When you enter a town and are welcomed, eat what is offered to you." — BitconnectCarlos
In short, government bureaucracy will fight any administration by simply making it hell for the ordinary citizens in order for the citizens in response to get angry at the administration. — ssu
So, by the time the general electorate votes, they have already had their options picked by a group that tends to have different policy priorities. — Count Timothy von Icarus
What, then, is our own condition? This question is more complex than it appears. We can begin by noting that we do not now have democracy. We certainly do not now have democracy in Aristotle’s sense of rule by the demos or the mass of the poor. We do not even have democracy in the sense of rule by all the people as a whole. Or at least we do not have direct rule by the people. What we have instead is something we are pleased to call ‘representative democracy,’ or rule by the people through representatives elected by the people.
What sort of regime is a representative democracy? Now there is, according to Aristotle, a simple rule for determining what sort of regime you have got: ask who is in control. This does not mean asking which individuals are in control. Nor does it mean asking which party is in control. It means, to follow the earlier discussion about the parts of the city, asking which part is in control, namely the parts of the rich or the poor or the virtuous.
Fairly clearly, it is not the part of the virtuous that is in control in modern states. A virtuous individual might come to power now and then, but this is incidental. It is not what the system is designed to produce. Even in the case of the occasional virtuous person, he does not so much rule as the party does, for the party rules through him. It is also fairly clear that it is not the poor either who are ruling. They are, for the most part, busy at their jobs and have no time or money, not to mention influence, to run successfully, or at all, for office. The only answer left is that it is the rich who are ruling. Evidence that this conclusion is correct is not difficult to find. For those have control who get elected. Those get elected who have access to the money needed for an election campaign as well as to the friends needed to help out with the campaigning. But only the rich, or those in the pay of the rich, have access to that kind of money and to those sort of friends.
There is a passage in the Politics where Aristotle gives a description of a regime that neatly fits a modern representative democracy. The passage is part of his discussion of the ways oligarchies are destroyed, one of which ways is through the rivalry of demagogues among the oligarchs themselves. Oligarchic demagoguery, says Aristotle, exists when some of the oligarchs play the demagogue to other oligarchs. But it can also exist, he continues,
“when those in the oligarchy are demagogues to the crowd, as the regime guardians were in Larissa, for instance, because it was the crowd that elected them. The same is true of all oligarchies where those who provide the rules are not those who elect to office, but the offices are filled from high property qualifications or from political clubs, and those possessed of heavy arms or the populace do the electing.” (Politics 1305b28-33)
Aristotle is doubtless thinking here of cases where, through such demagoguery on the part of oligarchs, oligarchies cease to be oligarchies and become democracies or tyrannies. But he may also be thinking of cases where one oligarchy takes the place of another. For change from oligarchy to oligarchy is one of the ways in which a regime can suffer revolution (1301b10-13). At all events, it is not hard to read this passage as Aristotle’s description of a modern election. He speaks of “political clubs,” that is, as the context makes clear, of certain clubs of oligarchs, from whom the elected come; of the populace that does the electing from these clubs; and of the demagoguery on the part of the oligarchs to get elected. What Aristotle here calls a ‘club of oligarchs’ we call a ‘political party’; what he here calls ‘demagoguery’ we call an ‘election campaign’; what he here calls a ‘change of regime,’ we call a ‘change of party.’
There are other similarities. It is evident from Aristotle’s discussion that it is not the whole oligarchic club that gets elected to office but only certain members of it. These members will manifestly be as much or more beholden to the club than to the people who elected them, and will manifestly be expected, by their fellows in the same club, to use office to benefit the club. Otherwise the club would turn against them. The same is true of modern political parties, where members elected to office represent the party no less, if not more, than they represent the people. For representation is at one remove. The elected party member represents the people by representing the party that represents, or claims to represent, the people. If this claim is true, then the elected member represents the party and the people. If it is false, he represents the party and not the people. Either way he represents the party.
Election is also a classic feature of oligarchy. It is certainly a feature of oligarchy in modern conditions. Only those with some prominence stand a chance of getting elected, and those with prominence are those with privilege of some kind, such as wealth, family, number of friends, and so forth (which are all marks of oligarchy for Aristotle; see 1291b28-30, 1293a30-31). This is all the more the case where one has to campaign to get elected. Election campaigns require much money, both to get one’s demagogic message across to the people, and to give oneself leisure from work to be able to go out campaigning.
In principle, of course, anyone can run for office. In practice only the rich can. In principle too anyone can win an election. In practice only members of the main party can. Such differences between democratic theory and oligarchic practice Aristotle calls ‘sophistries’ or ‘sophisms’ (bk. 6[4], chap. 13). They are ways in which the regime deceives people by appearing to be one thing while really being another. Other sophistries include the fact that while all the people can vote, nothing is done to ensure that they all do vote. In fact, the opposite is usually done. When party workers, for instance, talk of “getting out the vote,” they mean getting out the vote only of those they think can be relied on to be supporters of their own party. They have no desire to get out another party’s vote, nor even to increase the number of voters simply, so as to ensure that the result reflects as much as possible the opinion of the people as a whole. Their interest is in victory, not in getting a full expression of the people’s views. If only members of their own party come out to vote they will not be upset. The universal right to vote is often more for show than for reality.[11]
The oligarchic character of contemporary politics is also evident from the way in which parties use their power to control the process of registering as a candidate for election. These procedures are sometimes labyrinthine, and it is hard for anyone but a member of the officially recognized parties to get registered. There is also the fixing of electoral boundaries, indulged in by the dominant parties, to ensure that only members of one party and not also those of another stand much chance of getting elected within a certain electoral district or constituency. Oligarchic too is the way parties allow anyone to join the party, and even to pay a fee for the privilege, but only allow the very rich, or those who contribute large sums, to have ready access to the leaders of the party and to get from them what they want. The oligarchic clubs are oligarchic all the way up. The more you pay and the more friends you have, the more influence you can exert on what the club does, especially when the club controls the most powerful offices. And it is the club that rules, and not just those members of the club who hold office. The members who hold office need the other members both to get into office and to stay there (for they need the party to keep supporting their candidacy at succeeding elections). Hence they are in the club’s debt when they get into office and must pay back these debts by using office to dispense rewards. They are obliged to be demagogues to their own party as well as to the people at large.
There is another oligarchic sophism that needs noting, though it is seldom noted as such. While securing oligarchic denomination it masquerades as the exact opposite. — Peter L. P. Simpson, “Freedom and Representation,” in Vices, Virtues, and Consequences, pp. 204-7
The Apocalypse of Peter or Revelation of Peter is a non-canonical gospel. — Fooloso4
The "following" of a rule versus it's being merely "present" can be illustrated by the following example:
A->B
B^C
Therefore, C.
In this example, the rule A-> B does not do any work — NotAristotle
Do you consider Peter's revelation a lie/a Pauline invention then? — BitconnectCarlos
Yes. But when Jesus says "it is not what goes into the mouth that defiles a person, but what comes out of the mouth; this defiles a person" he would seem to be saying that even if e.g. a Jew were to eat pig or shellfish he would not be defiled in clear contradiction to the Levitical laws. Then again maybe my analysis is superficial/I'm misinterpreting him. — BitconnectCarlos
Then Pharisees and scribes came to Jesus from Jerusalem and said, "Why do your disciples transgress the tradition of the elders? For they do not wash their hands when they eat." — Matthew 15:1-2
Entering a state of ritual impurity is not the same thing as breaking the law. We will all be in states of ritual impurity at one point or another. Sometimes it's beyond our control/just nature taking its course. — BitconnectCarlos
the idea of authority in Plato for instance, why he elevates the authority of reason — Count Timothy von Icarus
And anyhow I think historically, it's hardly chiefly feminism that has allowed for incompetence at the top. — Count Timothy von Icarus
However, I will add that much criticism of Peterson, "how dare anyone assert that hard work and discipline might be good," is entirely off base. — Count Timothy von Icarus
The definition of human flourishing that makes Boethius or St. Maximus torture/mutilation and death (or most of the Apostles') "worthwhile" and even "choiceworthy" needs to be dramatically different. — Count Timothy von Icarus
So I suppose my objection is more to the narrower range of cases where "Christianity" is advanced as a sort of set of principles for temporal success, as generally defined by secular culture. — Count Timothy von Icarus
I get mixed up this, but I think the disjunction (not-P or Q) can still be true even if P does not imply Q. — NotAristotle
But since A -> ~A uses symbols it's more appropriate to call this a formal construction of material implication, which we can write the truth-tables out for and easily conclude it's valid, but unsound, as ↪unenlightened said. — Moliere
I think there's a difference and I've committed to indications for the difference -- in the recent posts substitution has been the criteria I've been using. — Moliere
When I say "If I touch the stove then my hand will burn" I'm not talking in terms of material implication or disjunction at all, but a causal relationship between action and event. — Moliere
1. Right, I mean P entails Q. The logical equivalence (not-P or Q) is an implication of the conditional, not having the same meaning as the conditional. — NotAristotle
I suppose it is worth asking whether these are the same two inferences, and whether the first is any more "directional" than the second:
(A→B)
A
∴ B
¬A∨B
A
∴ B — Leontiskos
If Jesus did keep kosher, then presumably statements like Matt.15:11 are early Christian beliefs retrojected back to Jesus. — BitconnectCarlos
After all, why would Peter need his revelation in Acts where all foods are declared clean if Jesus had originally taught it? — BitconnectCarlos
As an aside, I had a few people, particularly middle aged Christians, talk up Peterson to me in glowing terms. — Count Timothy von Icarus
For instance, he opens with a narrative about lobsters. Male lobsters who are big and strong have more "feel good chemicals," in their nervous systems. With more feel good chemicals, lobsters act more assertive and aggressive. By doing this they get to consume more resources and have more sexual partners. Therefore, we should act to boost our feel good chemical levels, that we might consume more and sleep with more women. Such wisdom... — Count Timothy von Icarus
It's possible that Joseph had children from a prior marriage (nothing is said about this), and also the term for "brother" is used frequently in the NT for people who do not share a biological relationship. — Count Timothy von Icarus