And you've endorsed the kind of military intervention which has failed in the past and arguably made matters worse, so you shouldn't be so cocksure, and should be a little more empathetic. — Sapientia
Not for me at least. — Sapientia
I don't have all the answers. Sorry, it isn't that simple. Obviously we should do what we can within reason and morality, but, as you know, I have moral objections to military intervention before even getting around to addressing the practicalities such as its likelihood of success, whether it will improve things or make things worse. This is open to discussion. It isn't set in stone, and there are opposing views which I will also take into consideration. — Sapientia
Would you commit to something against your conscience? If not, don't expect me too. — Sapientia
that it follows from my criticism of a certain type of action that I'm in favour of no action whatsoever. — Sapientia
For the most part, yes. — Sapientia
Intention alone is woefully insufficient — Sapientia
are ill-considered and offensive — Sapientia
Military intervention isn't the only possible course of action — Sapientia
Self-defense is another matter, and was obviously not the target of my criticism. But yes, I believe that there are situations where self-defense is necessary, and in which actions taken in self-defense are justified (although there are exceptions). — Sapientia
We thought that the death of Muammar Gaddafi would improve the situation in Libya. Apparently it didn't. — Bitter Crank
Maybe killing Assad would lead to a beneficial shift in power in favor of a more civil government. And maybe not. — Bitter Crank
We can be fairly certain that American troops would have difficulty identifying who was who in the urban guerrilla fighting in Aleppo and other Syrian cities. Would the multi-lateral European Union Force do better? Nato? I don't know who would best save the day here. Dutch troops led by the Israeli Defense Force, maybe? — Bitter Crank
which flies in the face of humanitarianism — Sapientia
Drop the humanitarian tag. — Sapientia
But then written off as collateral damage nonetheless. — Sapientia
yet you count the invasion of Iraq as an example, despite the known cost to innocent human lives it would and did entail. I wouldn't include it at all, although I accept that there were good intentions involved. Unfortunately, at the end of the day, it's actions that count, and they can't be reversed. — Sapientia
Does so-called collateral damage sit well with this? — Sapientia
These are fellow human beings, after all. — Sapientia
Are the bombs and bullets which do such damage and cause such harm representative of acts of kindness, benevolence and sympathy? — Sapientia
Are these human beings taken into full consideration when attempting to enact humanitarian principles, or are they just written off as collateral damage? — Sapientia
Perhaps there is humanitarian intent, but this is coupled with recklessness, incompetence, and a lack of foresight. — Sapientia
Is that included in your notion of humanitarian military intervention? — Sapientia
How about the point up above above about the apparent contradiction between humanitarianism and military intervention which causes humanitarian crises? — Sapientia
But I won't be silenced. — Sapientia
such as a falling minimum wage — VagabondSpectre
the disproportionate affliction of police violence and incarceration on blacks — VagabondSpectre
It seems to me you are just shooting from the hip talking about how you feel and not suggesting any realistic course of action. — m-theory
Would you consider the Gulf and Iraq wars to fall under the definition as you understand it, for example? — Baden
I am curious how long do you think it would take to "fix" syria if the west did invade? — m-theory
And why you believe that the people there would be eager for the west to come in and "fix" it? — m-theory
Doing good by killing people is rarely right. — mcdoodle
I enquired what "humanitarian military intervention" entailed. — Sapientia
Who do you think the good guys are in syria? — m-theory
If the US did invade and occupy syria who would we place in charge that was not a bad guy? — m-theory
I don't think we can just kill the problems away in syria — m-theory
of course I don't agree that the US or west should intervene in syrai with military force. — m-theory
simply being outraged about the tragedies is not a good reason for a military invasion and occupation. — m-theory
It is not clear to me who the bad guys are in this case. — m-theory
Who do you think ought to be held responsible? — m-theory
Islam itself is not the problem as far as I am concerned. — m-theory
The problem is the idea that society should be governed in accordance with religious beliefs. — m-theory
I believe the west has the right idea about separation of church and state but sadly many middle eastern nations do not hold those values. — m-theory
In contemplating the causes which may disturb our Union, it occurs as matter of serious concern that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by geographical discriminations, Northern and Southern, Atlantic and Western; whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence within particular districts is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heartburnings which spring from these misrepresentations; they tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection.
All obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combinations and associations, under whatever plausible character, with the real design to direct, control, counteract, or awe the regular deliberation and action of the constituted authorities, are destructive of this fundamental principle, and of fatal tendency. They serve to organize faction, to give it an artificial and extraordinary force; to put, in the place of the delegated will of the nation the will of a party, often a small but artful and enterprising minority of the community; and, according to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the public administration the mirror of the ill-concerted and incongruous projects of faction, rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome plans digested by common counsels and modified by mutual interests.
However combinations or associations of the above description may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely, in the course of time and things, to become potent engines, by which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the power of the people and to usurp for themselves the reins of government, destroying afterwards the very engines which have lifted them to unjust dominion.
I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the State, with particular reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally.
This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under different shapes in all governments, more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed; but, in those of the popular form, it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst enemy.
The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissension, which in different ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries which result gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an individual; and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins of public liberty.
Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight), the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it.
It serves always to distract the public councils and enfeeble the public administration. It agitates the community with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms, kindles the animosity of one part against another, foments occasionally riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which finds a facilitated access to the government itself through the channels of party passions. Thus the policy and the will of one country are subjected to the policy and will of another.
There is an opinion that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the administration of the government and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. This within certain limits is probably true; and in governments of a monarchical cast, patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of party. But in those of the popular character, in governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency, it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose. And there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be by force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume.
often it is not clear just who that it is — m-theory
but to believe it would fix the issue at hand is just folly — m-theory
More like, "we reject your presumption of moral authority!". — Sapientia
Military intervention which tries a little harder to avoid killing innocents, but does so nonetheless? Military intervention which kills innocents, but does so conscionabley? These missiles kill this amount of innocents, but these other missiles kill less, so they're alright. — Sapientia
Eudaimonia would be the only perfect experience, and thus the only perfectly good experience. — darthbarracuda