My objective here isn't to argue that the right's position is accurate, only that it is much more principled than the left wants to recognize. — Hanover
I realize that you are only giving an exposition of certain conservative views and the putative basis of said views, which doesn't imply that you yourself endorse them. However, you do self-identify as a conservative, do you not? Indeed, I almost always enjoy reading your posts on politics, as they bring a reasonable con perspective to this forum (and the other one).
I don't doubt that the right's beliefs stand on "principles," only that many of said principles are ill-founded, and not as unified as you seem to think.
The right's skepticism of environmental regulations is based upon the proposition that our planet is neither fragile nor realistically knowable on a macro level.
This doesn't seem to make sense. I understand that there is skepticism in some quarters about climatologists' ability to
predict climate or to
reconstruct past climates, but I don't think anyone disputes that we can make widespread, modern-day measurements of climate, and hence that the climate is "knowable on a macro level." We do, after all, have weather satellites, weather stations, and myriad other data streams on the current state of Earth's climate.
They do not believe that humans are destroying the planet by simply living on what God gave them to live on.
Objection to the reality of global warming has more than just religious motivations. George Will, for instance, is both an atheist and a climate "skeptic." There are also strong nationalistic and economic/ideological factors blinding their judgment (and possibly making them lie outright in some cases). For some, there is probably a mix of economic and religious factors.
They also believe it is hubris to suggest that we really know what is causing our weather patterns. Your comment that environmental regulations were created to protect humans is simply not what the right believes to be the case. If they did believe that, then only then would their position be inconsistent, but they don't.
So, for instance, the Clean Air Act and regulations governing mercury levels in drinking water are not meant to protect humans? Who or what are they meant to protect?
No one wants to put the wrong guy to death. That is not in dispute. The general view of the right is that the guilty should be punished because they are responsible for what they've done.
An anti death penalty advocate who believes that murderers ought to be imprisoned for life without parole rather than executed also believe the murderer to be "responsible." If they didn't so believe, they likely wouldn't be advocating for him to get life without parole rather than walking free.
The resistance to criminal justice reform isn't rooted in a desire to continue to punish the wrong people, but it's a distrustful reaction to the left's efforts. What the right really thinks the left is trying to do is to make it impossible to convict the guilty by affording unreasonable restrictions to prosecution (and the death penalty in particular) under the guise of fairness. The left is seen as trying to find excuses for improper conduct (like poverty, upbringing, psychological issues), where the right sees the issue as very black and white. You have free will and, regardless of what your past was, and you therefore have the ability to avoid improper conduct.
But for a brief, SCOTUS-imposed interregnum, the death penalty has been part and parcel of American criminal punishment since the beginning (though you correctly point out that the procedural barriers to actually executing people who have been sentenced to death can be high). So, if anything, the right has held more sway over criminal justice than the left, with candidates running on "law and order" platforms,
elected judges needing to prove how they're "tough on crime," etc.
And even if the death penalty is desirable
in principle,
in practice it is riven by so many problems, both institutional, legal, and epistemological, that I don't believe that any reasonable person can defend its use. The spate of death row prisoners set free by DNA testing alone, for instance (the use of which, incredibly, some jurisdictions still resist) should give one pause.
I don't think the right really cares if the death penalty deters future crime, nor do I think religious based morality is at all consequentialist. You mischaracterize the right here as a bunch of Utilitarians. They are far more Kantian in the outlook.
Deterrence has been cited many times as one reason for having a death penalty. And appealing to the
consequences of the death penalty (i.e. deterrence, in this case) is definitely a
consequentialist argument.
[snip]
You seem to want to point out how stupid the right's position is, which isn't really part of this discussion. The question is whether there is a way to extrapolate what the right's position would be in a novel situation. If there is, then there must be an underlying principle at play. If not, it's just a bunch of ad hoc positions cobbled together. My belief is that it is the former, even if you think the conclusions they reach are stupid.
I've pointed out how there is at least some tension, if not outright inconsistency in the list of conservative principles which you offered, and nothing in your above post rebuts my point on that matter. As I said, conservatives will trust their government to prosecute a trillion-dollar war, but then turns around and claim that, for instance, the government is incapable of managing education on a national scale.