It's easy to miss the smaller communities/villages, rural and countryside areas of Russia when evaluating the educational system in Russia since most of what we see is the front view of the major cities and the illusion of national wealth that they demonstrate through that image. — Christoffer

My point was about education, unbiased education as a foundation for people to be able to view their own nation's politics critically. If you get nothing but state-approved knowledge or live in a village where they shut down the school... what then? — Christoffer

in Russia students of 15 years of age demonstrate a level of knowledge “below average”

So, maybe not "little to no education", but I wouldn't call any of this quality. — Christoffer

But a huge population in Russia has little to no education — Christoffer

I can't access it. — baker

After engaging with as much Cyberpunk media as I could find, I have been researching the intellectual and spiritual infrastructure that makes up these stories. — Bret Bernhoft

Those three philosophies are — Bret Bernhoft

ideals/philosophies — Bret Bernhoft

paradigms — Bret Bernhoft

Notice how Marxists think of themselves as special — frank

One thing I kept coming back to with Russia was the way it's surprisingly similar to the US. They both have a strong apocalyptic streaks and that sometimes influences events. — frank

I meant that their greatest imperialistic efforts look more like an injection of western values than something home grown. Is that wrong? — frank

That better? — Isaac

You need to read some good histories. Some aspects of Russian literature, music, and visual art require understanding the smoldering identity crisis that plagues the Russian culture. — frank

If you want to have your posts go uncontested write a fucking blog, this is a discussion forum, expect to have your comments challenged. — Isaac

This is what I mean, get lost. — Christoffer

I think every time Russia has become imperialistic, it was because of European influence. — frank

It's a little counter to its basic nature to have to go out and conquer someone else, as you said, because of geography. — frank

I also read Russian comments to the effect that return to empire isn't possible in the short term, but they seemed to have the impression that that's Putin's goal. Do you think they're wrong about that? — frank

I read it again. I'm not accusing you of anything. What I said was that Putin's noble sentiments about democracy and liberalisation haven't been at all mirrored in his actions. — Wayfarer

So I think he was lying when he waxed eloquent about 'the importance of democracy' — Wayfarer

What perspective does it provide? He hasn't demonstrated any real commitment to democracy or liberalisation. — Wayfarer

And if his ambitions in conquering Ukraine are not imperialist, then what are they? — Wayfarer

No, it was an attempt not to lose sight of the actuality on the ground, for those living through it, which seems rather more important than a lot of the bickering going on. — Wayfarer

There are people just like us in Urkaine - parents with families, wage-earners, people just trying to get along, make a living, live their lives, whose homes are destroyed, loved ones killed, families separated, cities in ruins. And for what? Let's not forget that. — Wayfarer

My view is simply that the Russian invasion of Ukraine is unjustifiable, unwarranted and fundamentally criminal. It has resulted in thousands of deaths already, massive destruction of cities and homes, and the displacement of millions of people. That is not 'western propaganda' ... — Wayfarer

nor is the war a consequence of western foreign policy meddling - it came about solely because of Putin's resentment at the demise of the USSR and his vain attempts to restore elements of it into a greater Russia. — Wayfarer

I consider the development of Russia as a free and democratic state to be our main political and ideological goal. We use these words fairly frequently, but rarely care to reveal how the deeper meaning of such values as freedom and democracy, justice and legality is translated into life.

[...]

Above all, we should acknowledge that the collapse of the Soviet Union was a major geopolitical disaster of the century. As for the Russian nation, it became a genuine drama. Tens of millions of our co-citizens and compatriots found themselves outside Russian territory. Moreover, the epidemic of disintegration infected Russia itself.

Individual savings were depreciated, and old ideals destroyed. Many institutions were disbanded or reformed carelessly. Terrorist intervention and the Khasavyurt capitulation that followed damaged the country's integrity. Oligarchic groups – possessing absolute control over information channels – served exclusively their own corporate interests. Mass poverty began to be seen as the norm. And all this was happening against the backdrop of a dramatic economic downturn, unstable finances, and the paralysis of the social sphere.

[...]

In those difficult years, the people of Russia had to both uphold their state sovereignty and make an unerring choice in selecting a new vector of development in the thousand years of their history. They had to accomplish the most difficult task: how to safeguard their own values, not to squander undeniable achievements, and confirm the viability of Russian democracy. We had to find our own path in order to build a democratic, free and just society and state.

When speaking of justice, I am not of course referring to the notorious "take away and divide by all" formula, but extensive and equal opportunities for everybody to develop. Success for everyone. A better life for all.

In the ultimate analysis, by affirming these principles, we should become a free society of free people. But in this context it would be appropriate to remember how Russian society formed an aspiration for freedom and justice, how this aspiration matured in the public mind.

Above all else Russia was, is and will, of course, be a major European power. Achieved through much suffering by European culture, the ideals of freedom, human rights, justice and democracy have for many centuries been our society's determining values. — Putin

In my opinion a third important task is to pursue vigorous policy in promoting liberalization in private enterprise.

[...]

Stability of the right to private property is the alpha and omega of any business. The rules to which the state adheres in this sphere should be clear to everyone, and, importantly, these rules should be stable. This enables people developing their business to plan normally both this business and their own lives. This allows citizens to feel comfortable and conclude, without any apprehensions, contracts on such vital issues as the acquisition of housing or its privatization, which has already been almost completed in our country. In general, this encourages people to buy property and expand production.

[...]

And finally, one more crucial problem: Russia is extremely interested in a major inflow of private, including foreign, investment. This is our strategic choice and strategic approach.

[...]

I also wanted to raise another, very specific, issue here today, namely, what must be done to ensure that national television fully takes into account Russian civil society’s most relevant needs and protects its interests. We need to establish guarantees that will ensure that state television and radio broadcasting are as objective as possible, free from the influence of any particular groups, and that they reflect the whole spectrum of public and political forces in the country.

When the Soviet Union was dissolved, most of us didn't even have the feeling that the country was falling apart. We thought we would continue with our lives as in the past, but as good neighbors. Of course, we also believed that the West loved us and would help us, and that we'd be living like the Europeans in ten years. But everything turned out to be more complicated — Vladislav Surkov, former personal advisor to Vladimir Putin, in 2005

'Cat's pajamas' is a figure of speech. — Bitter Crank