There's a difference between second degree and first degree crimes that's really important here. Did the crime have prior planning or not? If yes, we investigate the group behind the crime if there is one. — BitconnectCarlos
So if an Antifa member shot randomly into a crowd of fascists, Antifa are in the clear?
And therefore one member's personal decision to kill someone is precisely what makes it not his personal responsibility?
Far-right people really will say absolutely anything m
So if an Antifa member shot randomly into a crowd of fascists, Antifa are in the clear?
And therefore one member's personal decision to kill someone is precisely what makes it not his personal responsibility?
Far-right people really will say absolutely anything m — Kenosha Kid
The point I'm trying to make is that there's a historical continuity between the antifascist actors I'm referring to and the ones which are currently vilified. — fdrake
When that community organised with antifascist groups - after the police refused to do anything, mind -,they effectively made their own police force to stop hate crimes being committed against them which the police were indifferent to. And it worked. The British fascists stopped bullying that neighbourhood. — fdrake
It's not for the person victimised by fear and intimidation, it's to make them afraid and to stop doing whatever they're doing. That was an attempt to control, through fear, someone who's committing hate crimes, or otherwise legitimising violence, the police either cannot or will not intervene in to prevent or stop. — fdrake
This is a strategic weakness of liberal democracy, as noted by Schmitt. Free speech absolutism provides absolutely no defence against bad faith and subversive actors from within the system, in fact all that is needed to be done to get people on the side of bad faith actors is for them to claim they are being silenced. So long as liberal democracy is willing to hold free speech to such high regard it risks facing the bad conclusion of the paradox of tolerance; erosion of the very norms that were protected. So long as people side with these bad faith actors, antifascist action will be required as a counterbalance to defend liberal norms. An unglamorous job, as everyone hates them for it. — fdrake
Look into the anti-mob police cases of the 1980s in New York - organizations can be held responsible for the behavior of their members. — BitconnectCarlos
But yes, when the authorities are either complicit or unhelpful in, say, stopping hate crimes then this type of vigilante action becomes more plausible — BitconnectCarlos
The same is not true of Trump supporters or Antifa. — Kenosha Kid
What would count as sufficient evidence that authorities are "either complicit or unhelpful in stopping hatecrimes"? — fdrake
I'm fine with neighborhood watches. Communities are allowed to defend themselves, but I think its a poor tactical decision to frame a neighborhood watch specifically as an antifascist defense force. It'll have the effect of alienating a portion of the population that isn't particularly political and may be a little confused or alarmed by the ideological bent of their neighborhood watch. Just call it a general neighborhood watch, cast a wide net, and defend your community from whatever crime there is. Everyone can get on board with neighborhood safety, you're going to confuse people when you introduce ideology, especially if this new neighborhood watch is dressed in all black with black masks. Appearance matters. — BitconnectCarlos
Almost as soon as the date for the second Carnival had been advertised, the NF countered it by declaring that they intended to march through the heart of the East End’s Bangladeshi community in Brick Lane on the very same day. Their move, which was an acknowledgment of the opposition generated by RAR events, sought to disrupt the Carnival and divide the anti-fascist movement. Prevarication followed by political expediency on the part of leading SWP members almost allowed them to achieve their goal.
It was announced from the Carnival stage that the situation in the East End was under control so people should stay and enjoy themselves. In fact, local ANL activists had telephoned their ANL national steering committee and begged them to send more “people down to help the anti-fascists at Brick Lane. Alongside the local ANL, members of various Trotskyist groups, anarchists and local anti-racists from the Hackney and Tower Hamlets Defence Committee tried to harass a 700 strong NF march but their numbers were too small to create any more effective action against the marchers and their police escorts. Local Bengali youth were kept away from the Front invaders by large numbers of antagonistic police. A rally at Church Road concluded the march and opened another fascist offensive. Groups broke away to threaten and cause damage to the area and its people. One gang of 50 to 60 skinheads smashed up shops on Brick Lane before being driven off by locals. — Dave Hann, Physical Resistance
If people are all living and eating and sleeping together, then that community is going to be under investigation and I don't care whether its a bird loving community. — BitconnectCarlos
But Antifa are not that sort of community. There may exist communities of some Antifa members who do so, and some of those might be systematically violent and should be judged as such. — Kenosha Kid
The aforementioned activist scrubbing Swastikas off walls is, by your logic, morally culpable for a violent individual she has never heard of shooting a violent fascist. — Kenosha Kid
The "neighbourhood watch" wasn't enough, the police didn't care to impede the publicly announced demonstration, sectarian violence ensued because the "last resort" of the ANL weren't there in enough numbers. How would you expect a neighbourhood watch to defend against an organised militia when the police violently protect that militia's right to march through the neighbourhood due to "absolute free speech"? — fdrake
No, we judge people as individuals. — BitconnectCarlos
I would not use the word "non-violent" to describe them or their ideology. — BitconnectCarlos
If we took antifascism to its logical conclusion then we're talking about mass censorship — BitconnectCarlos
Freedom of speech does not mean a freedom to occupy whatever platform you choose. You do not have the freedom to take over university spaces, take over media platforms, or put up pro-Nazi posters on other people's or public property. Nor does it mean that others must be silent so that your speech must be heard: you do not have a right to be heard in a vacuum! — Kenosha Kid
But that's precisely what you're not doing when you judge a great many people for criminal activity they are not responsible for. — Kenosha Kid
You could say this about laws. If we take paedophile laws to their logical conclusion, paedophilia would be eliminated, and with it the ability to voice pro-paedophilia propaganda. But paedophilia is a crime, as is racial violence against ethnic minorities, and it's quite right to stamp it out. If that leaves no one left to express in it's favour, so much the better. — Kenosha Kid
You realize the KKK often isn't actually physical violent very often, right? Obviously their belief system is straight up toxic and it would explain the actions behind the groups act, but the KKK could also use this argument "oh only bad klansmen commit those acts, we, the organization, do not approve of it!" — BitconnectCarlos
I don't see the "oh well if we extend that logic then..." argument — BitconnectCarlos
And we know that is bullshit because of the long, violent, hateful history of the Klan. The raison d'etre of the KKK is violence oppression of black Americans. You'd have to be an especially ignorant person to think it was about fancy dress but, yes, such a person would be exempt. — Kenosha Kid
Because your argument is that by opposing fascism, we're opposing the right of the fascist to express fascist views. That's trivially true of opposing anything. You can want for something to not exist and yet still express itself. — Kenosha Kid
The raison d'etre of the KKK is white supremacy, not the violent oppression of blacks. Violence happens but it's not a daily thing, you're treating it like it's a daily thing when it's not. A Klan speaker could easily say that they only use violence as a last resort. — BitconnectCarlos
No it is not trivially true. I oppose fascism, of course, but I don't believe in banning fascist literature or not allowing them to speak. — BitconnectCarlos
Do you think I'm pro-Nazi because I don't believe in banning Mein Kampf? — BitconnectCarlos
The logical conclusion of anti-fascism is the end of fascism, meaning no fascists to spout fascist ideas. It is illogical to claim you wish fascism to end but fascist ideas to be freely espoused. — Kenosha Kid
This is a minor point though, because in the situation you describe it is clear that the community needed to call in the ANL as a last resort and I don't have any issue with that. — BitconnectCarlos
Whether I am or not makes no difference. It's your argument that being anti-fascist is a violation of freedom of expression on the grounds that anti-fascism seeks to stamp out fascism, and therefore fascist expression. — Kenosha Kid
You can be an anti-fascist without advocate for banning all fascist expression. Banning everything just results in fascism going underground and creates a society where there's less transparency and honesty because people know they can't say certain things.
You can be an anti-fascist without advocate for banning all fascist expression. — BitconnectCarlos
What is the logical conclusion of anti-fascism? — Kenosha Kid
In Europe it's a bigger deal and holocaust deniers get much more coverage because they're doing something illegal and it gets blown up into this big thing. — BitconnectCarlos
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