Thanks for bringing this up as I hadn't read it before (I joined the forum late).
I'd also like to comment on the topic of the opening post. These will be a few comments on liberalism "from the outside."
First, I'd like to thank the author for the content. Your post, as always, is systematic and phenomenological, which in itself sets your posts apart from the more pragmatic approach that dominates this forum.
Now, regarding the content itself. Before joining this forum, I hadn't noticed the fact that, within liberalism, the concepts of authoritarianism and totalitarianism are often conflated. This seems very maximalist for a representative of a "non-Western culture," because for my region, these two concepts are crucially different. Not that you specifically did this, but I wanted to point this out for clarity.
I'll try to explain my understanding of this distinction and why I think it's important. Sources cite various characteristics that can be used to distinguish one from the other (for example, Linz on types of non-democratic regimes), but it's difficult to discern the difference until you've experienced it firsthand. I'd like to highlight one key characteristic (among others):
Totalitarianism is a phenomenon whereby a person, citizen, or individual is transformed into an instrument of the state's dominant idea (a person is reformatted to fit the ideology, and if not, is subject to repression; for those ideologically loyal, the task must be accomplished at any cost. A person is a tool).
Authoritarianism is a phenomenon when an individual, citizen, or personality can pursue their private lives without interfering in state affairs (a strong hand, but I can live my own life).
Soft authoritarianism is characterized by paternalism: here, unlike liberalism, social benefits are provided not through competition, but in exchange for loyalty or non-interference in politics.
As for me, at the moment, I'm inclined to believe that soft authoritarianism may be preferable to liberalism under certain conditions. Unfortunately, this is an extremely unstable construct (external interference or resource depletion quickly destroys it), but sometimes it lasts for decades—like the "stagnation" of the Brezhnev era in the USSR. I'm not promoting this, but it's worth considering the social guarantees of that era: housing was free (although there were waiting lists); education was free; healthcare was free (with sick leave paid up to 100%); plus sanatoriums and children's camps. This, at the very least, makes you wonder: is it worth "shouting about freedom" or is it better to focus on stability? At the same time, internal ideological criticism (so-called "righteous anger") remained permissible. Here I mean criticism of individual government officials for not fulfilling party standards.
All these benefits, which could be achieved without excessive competition, evoke sentiments opposite to those described by Khan in his book, "The Burnout Society." You don't need to be the best—just do your usual duties, and you'll have everything you need. People don't need to "burn out," but stagnation sets in: the economy slows, lags behind technological progress, and the system gradually collapses (unless there's a constant resource like expensive oil). The "burnout society" gives way to a "sleep society." And we know what happened to the USSR.
But a more interesting question arises: hasn't the individual in the "burnout society" become a "tool," as in totalitarianism?
Another problem with liberalism (and in this it's no different from other ideologies) is its hostility to any "supra-ideological" criticism. You can confidently criticize Republicans or Democrats, but if you criticize the ideology itself, the state, or its consensus, you risk marginalization (not in the mines, as in totalitarianism, but social isolation).
Here I would like to say that the myopia of liberalism, which you initially write about, in my opinion, is being overcome from within extremely slowly—so slowly that there simply may not be enough time for change. I think the solution to the problem (by the way, you are proposing roughly the same thing) lies in the honest recognition by liberalism of the following idea: Freedom from everything (that is, the loss of all boundaries or limits) leads to dissolution into nothing.