collapses liberalism into capitalism, but that’s a mistake—one Lefebvre might help us avoid. For Lefebvre, liberalism isn’t an economic theory, but a moral and political framework for coordinating life among individuals with different wants, values, and needs. It’s not about GDP. It’s about decency.
Liberalism, in this account, isn’t hollow—it’s ethical. Its institutions aren’t designed to satisfy appetite, but to manage disagreement without violence. Especially when people disagree about what is good.
Lefebvre is clear: liberalism doesn’t pretend to be metaphysically deep. What it offers instead is an ethic of mutual forbearance. That’s not nothing. It’s how we live together without killing each other.
So yes—liberal states often coexist with exploitative global markets. But that’s a reason to reform markets, not discard liberalism. If you think liberalism inevitably slides into consumerism or wage slavery, you need to show how the institutions must produce those effects. Not just that they sometimes do.
Lefebvre’s point is that liberalism’s value is not in what it promises about markets, but in the kind of interpersonal ethic it encodes. If we care about mutual respect, basic fairness, and the protection of difference, then liberalism is worth defending—even if capitalism isn’t.
Nussbaum’s capabilities approach picks up on this and gives it substance. She argues that a liberal society must guarantee the conditions for real human flourishing, not just negative freedom or consumer choice. We might well work towards the development of central human capabilities like health, education, emotional life, and political voice. It’s liberalism with a richer telos, grounded in dignity rather than market logic.
Yes, the problems are real. But they don’t all trace back to liberalism. The fact they appear across liberal states with wildly different politics suggests something deeper—like global capital, demographic shifts, or decades of bipartisan neoliberal consensus.
Lefebvre helps here. Liberalism isn’t just an economic order—it’s a moral anthropology. It treats people as plural and self-directing, not as interchangeable units of labour. If there’s a vision of humans as “plug and play,” it’s from capital, not liberalism.
Same goes for the capabilities approach. It’s not just about GDP—it’s about real freedoms: to think, move, speak, love. If those aren’t being secured, that’s a failure of implementation, not a failure of liberalism.
And the question remains: what is the alternative you are offering?