why is the only way to resolve differences to decide that one view is objectively right? — Isaac
I didn't think it was necessary, on a philosophy forum, to specify that I mean rational discourse when I say "resolve differences": exchange reasons why one view is better than another to get all on the same page as to which is which. That implies that the involved parties think that there is some scale (independent of their own opinions, which differ already) on which the options can be ranked as better or worse, more correct or less correct.
Why does it need to be settled which of them actually is right? — Isaac
I said "They're acting like they each think [...] it needs to be settled which of them is [actually correct]." I'm not here asserting in my own voice that it needs to be settled, only that people arguing about a disagreement are acting as though they think they need to settle it.
Not at all. I'd also prefer a world in which no-one liked Justin Bieber, doesn't mean I think it's objectively wrong to do so, it would just be a better place to live. — Isaac
When you say "it would just be a better place to live" do you mean anything more than "I would prefer to live in that world"? I expect not. And by "doesn't mean I think it's objectively wrong" do you mean something like "I don't think that people who don't prefer that world are wrong to prefer it, as though they have to be convinced to change their minds; they're entitled to their tastes, I just don't share them myself"? I expect so.
In that case you are a relativist about tastes in Justin Bieber, which is fine because Bieber is probably morally irrelevant. But do you feel the same way about your differences with Nazis? I expect not. I expect (and hope) that you're not just willing to agree to disagree with Nazis, and wouldn't just say you have different tastes in genocide than them but leave them to their genocides like you'd leave Bieber fans to their music. In that respect, if my expectations of your attitude toward Nazis are accurate (and I sure hope they are), then you act toward Nazis like a universalist.
You've just totally misunderstood relativism, despite having it clearly set out by the SEP quote. Nowhere in the definition of relativism does it specify that people with different opinions about what's right must be allowed to get on with it by people who think it's wrong. Relativism says nothing whatsoever about how we should act. I could (as above) start a campaign to rid the world of all Justin Bieber records, to ban him from the airwaves and make it illegal for him to sing. None of that would have any bearing on whether I think other people are 'wrong' to like his music. It's just a reflection of how strongly I don't like his music. — Isaac
As a sidenote, there is a kind of moral relativism (normative moral relativism) that does claim that there is a moral obligation to tolerate differences, but I think (as do most philosophers) that that's even more incoherent than the meta-ethical moral relativism we're talking about.
But with regard to that meta-ethical moral relativism, I'm not talking about the relativism
obliging behavior, but rather about it
not justifying prohibiting behavior. You could start a campaign to ban Bieber from the airwaves and make no pretense about it being because that's what objectively ought to be done, but then you're just nakedly exercising power to curtail others' behavior without offering any justification for why that's warranted, why others should be prohibited from what you're prohibiting them from doing. Others might say "stop, I don't like Bieber either but banning him is wrong!" And your response would be what, "doesn't matter, I can so I am"? That's pretty explicitly giving up on caring about what's right or wrong, just like I say that relativism amounts to.
That there will be consequences for you is a reason to support or oppose some kind of action. — Isaac
Only in the non-rational sense that "swear your belief in our god or be tortured to death!" is a "reason" to believe in said god. It doesn't give you any internal reason to honestly think that that god exists, it just gives you incentive to let the others see you appearing to believe in it. Likewise, the threat of punishment for acting otherwise than compelled doesn't give you any internal reason to honestly support that course of action, as in to aim to do that of your own will, because you think that's what should be done; it just gives you incentive to be seen doing it.
You did catch that I'm an anarchist, right? — Pfhorrest
Yeah, right! — Isaac
See, it's things like this that make me think that you really just have no idea whatsoever what my views actually are. Way back in the OP of this very thread, before the start of our interminable series of conversations where you obsess about the moral side of one of my four principles (universalism) to the neglect of all of the other principles, which are all there explicitly to temper each other away from the extremes you think that one principle of universalism would lead to, I said this:
I think that these principles necessitate things like:
An empirical realist ontology
A functionalist and panpsychist philosophy of mind
A critical rationalist or falsificationist epistemology
A freethinking philosophy of education
A hedonic altruist account of ethical ends
A compatibilist and pan-libertarian philosophy of will
A liberal or libertarian account of ethical means
An anarchic political philosophy — Pfhorrest
It's particularly the principle of liberalism that's behind those: that by default anything goes (both beliefs and intentions, and therefore actions), and the onus is on those who want to show that some option is a wrong one.
I also explicitly affirm that we
can in principle show some options to be wrong, that nothing is just completely beyond all question: that's the principle of criticism. But the burden of proof is on those who want to claim so, and they must appeal to experiences in common with their interlocutors to accomplish such proof.
In light of the principle of criticism, that principle of liberalism is actually demanded by my principle of universalism, because with criticism and without liberalism you would be left with "cynicism" (for which I wish I had a better name) -- the view that by default nothing goes, and the onus is on those who want some option to be considered to first show conclusively that it is the right one. Which is a standard that cannot possibly be met, leaving all options (of what to believe or what to intend) forever ostensibly rejected. But because we can't actually believe nothing and intend nothing, that just leaves us believing and intending whatever we're inclined to and calling it right because we're inclined to, without any self-judgement as to whether we actually believe or intend the right things or not. Which is, as you call it, individualist subjectivism, the extreme end of relativism.
So universalism, in denying relativism, demands that we also reject cynicism, as it inexorably leads to relativism. That
could all by itself allow taking recourse in dogmatism, as you seem to assume universalists must do. But together with the principle of criticism (which denies dogmatism), universalism leaves no option but accepting liberalism, so as to avoid cynicism and therefore relativism. And liberalism plus criticism, translated into the descriptive and prescriptive domains respectively, equal critical rationalist epistemology and libertarian deontology, which in turn demand the rejection of all claims to epistemic and deontic authority: religions and states, respectively. TL;DR: universalism (with criticism) demands anarchism.
Relativism states that the correctness of a moral statement is relative to the person issuing it. Not that there is no such thing as correctness. — Isaac
Yes, I get what the claim of relativism is, and I'm arguing that it's incoherent. For something to be "correct relative to someone" is no different from it being someone's opinion. Everyone agrees that people have different opinions, that everyone thinks their opinion is correct, and will call an opinion that agrees with theirs correct -- even people who explicitly say that there is no such thing as correct in any sense agree with all that. The question at hand is if there's anything more than that to consider, a sense of correctness that's not just the same thing as being someone's opinion; and relativism says no to that question.
They understood the word 'right' to mean something like protecting the fatherland against the communist menace by any means. — Isaac
This bit makes me think that perhaps part of the problem here is that you're not differentiating between the intension and extension of language. The Nazis undoubtedly understood something like "protecting the fatherland against the communist menace by any means" as within the
extension of the term "right": that is a thing that they consider to be within the set of things that are right. But undoubtedly that wouldn't capture the full
intension of what they mean by "right". This issue goes all the way back to Socrates, who when asking for the meaning of "piety" or "justice" etc was first met with lists of examples and then rejected those as not giving the real
meaning of the word. The language of "intension and extension" didn't exist in his time of course, but that's what's at issue there: a list of examples of things that a word applies to tells you something about its extension, but it doesn't necessarily tell you anything about its intension.
If you only talk about the extension of a term, that leaves you no grounds whatsoever to ask whether or not something
belongs within the extension of the term. The intension gives you some kind of criteria by which to measure up a thing and decide if it is a member of the set denoted by that term. The extension just gives you a list of the things denoted by it. So if all you have to define a term is its extension, there can be no question as to what does or doesn't belong in that set: the set is defining the term.
With the Italian and the Spaniard example, we both understand that there is an intension for each of those terms that the Nazis agree on, and that they have applied the criteria of the intension of "Spaniard" to the man in question the same way as each other, and so included him within the extension of "Spaniards" as they mean it at that moment; but, given the information you and I have but they don't, we know that they must have somehow misapplied those criteria, because the man they're including within the extension of "Spaniard" doesn't actually fit the intension.
To say that any X just means "whatever is called X" is to ignore the intension of "X" and only pay attention to its extension. And you seem to do that only with moral terms, not with anything else. That seems suspiciously motivated; really, all of these conversations have, I just haven't put my finger on quite why it's seemed that way. But it's always seemed like you really
want only some of the same principles that apply to factual matters to not apply to moral matters. It feels... weasely.
No, you were saying that people's moral beliefs could be analysed for complexity using Kolmogorov. You've yet to even begin to explain how. — Isaac
I was saying that all beliefs, moral and otherwise, have reason to be (dis)preferred compared to each other on account of their efficiency, which in the case of non-moral beliefs means informational efficiency, parsimony, the simplicity or complexity of a belief compared to the data it encodes. (With "moral beliefs", i.e. intentions, it's practical, energy efficiency instead: less work required to achieve the same good is better). You claimed that complexity was completely subjective. I gave
things like Komogorov, and compressibility more generally, as examples of objective measures of complexity. You challenged me to apply that to a web of beliefs, and I said that you must surely agree that it applies at least to mathematical models like used in scientific theories, and such theories are a kind of thing that can be believed; and I admitted that less rigorously modeled beliefs can only be correspondingly less rigorously judged more or less complex. You said you don't surely agree that it applies to such models, so I explained how. Then you said that doesn't do anything to explain webs of belief. And then I said what you just responded to here, and now you're introducing moral beliefs into a sub-conversation that was explicitly only about non-moral beliefs.
Give me some examples of moral activity which was not possible (even in kind) in hunter-gatherer communities that agriculture made possible. — Isaac
From what I have read (i.e. I'm not claiming this as my area of expertise), extreme hierarchy and authority was not possible in hunter-gatherer communities because the person trying to boss everyone around and horde everything for himself could just be abandoned by the rest of the tribe, moving on away from him; he had no real leverage over them. When people settled and became dependent upon specific plots of land they'd been tending to all year long, a strong man violently excluding them from that necessary capital had leverage to demand obedience to him, which he could use to secure even better leverage over them, with which he could secure more obedience, and more leverage, in a vicious cycle; and every step further away from hunter-gatherer society, every further specialization of labor and dependency on the whole socio-economic structure held hostage by the assholes at the top, gave the assholes more ability to get away with things they could not have done in hunter-gatherer society.
I'm sure you don't mean it, but as a warning shot you do realise how massively insulting this narrative is to modern day tribal people's? They lead alternative lifestyles, not backwards or underdeveloped ones. The path of human development is not at all like one from children to mature adults. It's just one on a number of possible choices, most moderns societies took that path, some didn't. You need to choose analogies that avoid making those that didn't sound like they're backward. — Isaac
I'm certainly not trying to give that impression. From what I've read (I think some of the same sources as the above), many early refugees from agricultural civilization fled from it specifically because they saw the bad things that it enabled, and learned quickly to avoid getting involved with that. In the analogy with individuals growing up, that's like people who saw the crazy shit young adults got up to, preemptively learned from it, and intentionally didn't do that stuff themselves. I'm not saying that tribal people today are the same as people living in pre-agricultural times. They may live lives that resemble them in some ways, but since it's a choice now to live that way, since agriculture is known and could be adopted if they wanted, it's not the same as people living in times before agriculture was invented.
Nothing in the definition of consequentialism specifies that it derive a moral requirements as opposed to a moral proscriptions, and negative utilitarianism is a form of consequentialism. See https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Negative_consequentialism — Isaac
I'm aware of negative utilitarianism, and it's not the same as my view; it is still consequentialist, as you say. A negative utilitarian still faces the same "ends-justify-the-means" problem of all consequentialism: one could, in principle, justify killing one healthy person to harvest their organs and save the lives of five people who need organ transplants on a negative utilitarian account (your end is to prevent suffering, you prevent more suffering than you cause this way, therefore the means are justified, according to the negative utilitarian). On my anti-consequentialist view that kind of argument can't fly: it doesn't matter that your actions prevent more harm than they cause, they still cause some harm, and so are unjust.
(Preemptively: yes, I know it's very hard in practice to avoid causing any harm to anyone, and in those circumstances my view says to cause the least harm possible, but that's different from saying to do whatever it takes to minimize any harm that happens at all for any reason).
I know. The argument you keep failing to address is that when we have a choice about what criteria to use (which we do), dealing with the uncertainty in applying those criteria is one of the merits we should consider. You want to just ignore how practical your chosen criteria are to apply, for some reason. It's just daft to say we're going to choose the criteria first regardless of any pragmatic implications, then deal with the pragmatic implication of applying them later. Why would we do that? — Isaac
What I was saying was that you were saying something non-sequitur. We were talking about my hedonism even counting concerns for pleasure or pain in the afterlife, and you said that that rolls all religious morality under my hedonism too. I said not all religious views of morality are concerned with pleasure and pain in the afterlife. Then you said something about God knowing best and uncertainty... which doesn't track with the rest of that subthread at all.
In any case, you seem not to have noticed that my very argument for the hedonistic criteria (as well as all of my principles) is a pragmatic one. Just taking someone's word for something without question is an impractical way of finding out what's actually a correct or incorrect thing to think. Avoiding just taking someone's word for something requires some experiential standard, apart from anyone's word. When it comes to questions of good and bad, experiences of things seeming good and bad are hedonic experiences.
*
(And because we already went around and around on this in some other thread: a judgement that something is good or bad, even an unreflective snap judgement, is not the same thing as an experience of it as good or bad. It's analogous to the difference between seeing someone act as though something is true and snap-judging them to be right or wrong about that, and seeing with your own eyes that it looks true or false, or remembering that you have seen such before. Likewise, seeing someone do something and snap-judging "that's wrong to do" is not the same as it feeling bad to you, in a hedonistic way, or remembering that you have felt such before. You can of course, in both cases -- and in practice often will have to -- rely on others' reports that something looked this way or felt that way, respectively, but that's still accepting appeals to empiricism and hedonism, respectively, even if you didn't verify them yourself).
Therefore hedonism, for the sake of practicality. If doing hedonism is still hard... well, we'll just have to do our best at it, because the alternative is even less practical. Nobody said anything would be easy.
A person who wants retributive justice despite the negative consequences on human suffering truly does value retribution higher than suffering — Isaac
It's not a question of which they value more than the other, it's a question of whether they value them independently as ends in themselves, or one only because it's instrumental to the other.
Say I'm willing to help an old lady carry her groceries from the store to her car, just because I value her well-being and comfort intrinsically; I'm not doing it because I get anything out of it. (I'm stipulating that as part of this scenario, not putting it up for debate). But then I find out that she's not carrying them to her car, but carrying them to her home, significantly further away. Perhaps I might not be willing to go that far out of my way to help her, because I
also value my own well-being, and judge that the cost to me is not worth the benefit to her. (Setting aside for now whether that judgement is correct.) That doesn't prove that my willingness to help the old lady was selfish all along, only instrumental to my own well-being. It just proves that I also value my own well-being in addition to hers.
Likewise, if these retributionists want "evil people" to suffer just for the sake of them suffering, even if it's not very effective at preventing the suffering of many others, that shows that that's not just instrumental to universal suffering-reduction, but something they consider intrinsically valuable in and of itself. They want it because they want it, not because it gets them something else they want. The fact that they might let an "evil person" get off without retribution if that's necessary to prevent the suffering of a bunch of innocents doesn't prove that all they really cared about was preventing suffering all along. It just proves that they also care about preventing suffering, in addition to caring about retribution for its own sake, and sometimes the cost to one of those ends might not be worth the gain to the other.
To be clear, if you want your moral theory to be actually applied in the real world you need to deal with the fact that what people say they believe and what people actually believe are not the same thing. You can argue against what they say they believe in an academic game, but if you want to apply it to the real world you have to deal with what they actually believe. — Isaac
Even so, getting people to stop advocating things that they don't actually believe is still a step in the right direction. The only benefit I think philosophical arguments can really have is to get people to make their thoughts and actions more consistent, both within each of those domains and between them. In doing so, if we can manage to do so, we can get people who do have practical, functional, correct views as the deepest parts of their belief networks to bring the rest of themselves more in line with that; and also, expose any people who do have truly deep-seated dysfunctional views, make them face up to that and deal with it.
Why would rational discourse be the only way that doesn't constitute giving up? — Isaac
Like I said... ugh... three hours ago... I didn't think it was necessary, on a philosophy forum, to specify that I mean rational discourse as the thing I'm talking about not giving up on.
Right. So a consequence of your proposed system is that the rich get to decide what's moral. Saying you don't want that to be a consequence isn't sufficient. — Isaac
If only that part of my system were implemented in an otherwise unchanged world, sure -- though that wouldn't really be a change, because the rich already get to decide what is declared right or wrong today, since they control all governance. Other parts of my system are meant to specifically fight against that.
And also, the point of mentioning science was that this isn't a problem unique to this domain, but a much wider problem, that we already have, across all domains.
Very well. You claimed not to be interested only in predictable consequences (undeniably dominated by the short-term ones) and then said "I'm just advocating that we consider what gains we're able to predict" How is that not a direct contradiction? — Isaac
You said I advocate attending only to short-term easily-predicted things to the neglect of long-term hard-to-predict things. I countered that I advocate attending to all of those, as much as we can from each, given their differences. I'm not advocating that we neglect the long term, but if it's hard to get good data on the long term one way or the other, then of course we can't plan as narrowly for it, and instead have to broadly plan as well as we can afford for everything in the range of possibilities, in proportion to whatever likelihoods we can manage to figure out about them.