↪ssu I’m not a big fan of boethius’s view, but I have to say, your reaction to his statements of fact is just bizarre. — Jamal
Unfortunately, most of this debate is arguing with obvious denial of facts (there are definitely more Nazi's in Ukraine with more power than in the typical Western army and government) or then unsupported hypotheticals presented as likely (such as Russian state on the brink of collapse), and I try to keep my arguments focused one positions I intend to defend.
Furthermore, the purpose of the denialism and unsupported hypotheticals is not to argue them in any sort of good faith way, or that their proponents even believe them despite the lack of supporting evidence and analysis, but rather to tease out a normative agreement for the purposes of tribal-group think.
For example, if I disagree that Putin is literally Hitler, I am supposed to annex my argument with "but of course Putin is super evil and bad" or then if I disagree that the Russian state is on the brink of total collapse I am supposed to preamble that with "of course the Russian state should collapse!".
I don't play into that because I don't like propaganda.
Furthermore, the moral evaluation of Putin should nevertheless have supporting arguments. The "hyperbole", as one poster refers to himself, followed by "of course Putin is still bad" is a way to get agreement on a moral evaluation of Putin without any facts, analysis or values.
If I say "Putin is bad", the standard I set for myself is I have reasons I'm willing to explain for saying that.
My priority in this discussion is a diplomatic resolution, and morally evaluating Putin is not necessary for a diplomatic resolution.
If other's have as their priority the moral evaluation of Putin, they are free to present an argument and if it's convincing then I can just say I agree to it.
My purpose in pointing to the Nazi's in Ukraine is that obviously many Russians are upset about it, which is important to understand their world view which is important in finding a diplomatic resolution.
That there are too many Nazi's in Ukraine and therefore we must invade and destroy them, is, for me, a completely sound argument: the conclusion follows from the premises. Of course, maybe the premise is false, that there aren't enough Nazi's in Ukraine to satisfy the Wests own definition of "appeasement" of Nazi's; that is a complicated journalistic and political question. How many Nazi's with how much power are in Ukraine exactly? And where do we draw the line between "not relevant" and "too many" politically speaking.
Again, people who's priority is merely condemning the Russians in order to justify any and all Ukrainian suffering (and the world for that matter) should present their argument (the sources that plausibly establish "how many Nazis" and the political theory that answers "how many is too many"). It's their priority and not mine, if their arguments are compelling I can simply agree to them.
My priority is a diplomatic resolution and for that solutions must be found that are also reasonable for the Russian perspective, and what the Russian perspective "ought to be" is hardly relevant in that.
To take another example of something taken for granted in the West but no argument is ever presented to support it, the current votes in South Ukraine are simply announced as "a sham".
However, although on the surface it may seem a vote carried out under an occupying force is coercive and illegitimate, or then the "real law" there is Kiev's, these are not so easy positions to argue.
Both positions the West would not support in other contexts. For example, votes in both Iraq and Afghanistan after the US invaded and occupied are completely legitimate according to the West. And, obviously, if conquest was not a valid form of changing legal systems then the entirety of America would be given back to Native Americans and all the borders of the world would radically change overnight.
It would be a complicated task to resolve these sorts of questions without resorting to "it's legitimate when the West does it because we say so!"
If the people of these Southern Oblasts genuinely want to separate from Ukraine and join Russia, then it is indeed liberation according to the Wests own standards (that Iraqi's genuinely didn't want Saddam's form of government, and Afghani's genuinely didn't want the Taliban's).
Of course, how do you establish what people genuinely want (on average) without a vote? But how does an occupying army, such as the US, carry out such a vote if no vote under occupation is valid?
The answer to that is of course the vote is valid because we already know what the population feels about it.
Which sounds circular reasoning, and formally it is, but the world is a lot messier than formal arguments and we can get an idea of what a population thinks by both culture and journalism.
Ok, applying all this to Southern Ukraine, we do know there are a lot of ethnic Russians there that speak Russian and, we can safely conclude, based on "cultural knowledge", that they maybe genuinely upset about the Russian language being banned and other cultural genocidal practices; which the West may support this sort of cultural genocide when "we do it" but maybe the Russians feel differently (again, how people see things and feel about things is critical for finding a diplomatic resolution).
Of course, with the right journalistic evidence we maybe convinced that only a tiny majority support joining Russia and therefore the votes are illegitimate. Point being, things are not so simple as they appear in Western media.
As for Putin's moral character, again it's not so easy to condemn Putin.
If he's as evil as people in the West say ... why hasn't he nuked us yet. It seems incompatible with extreme levels of evil to have nukes and not use them.
Additionally, I try to avoid moral evaluations of people, but when I do my criteria is always comparing to a similar class of people and not some immutable set of actions I deem "moral". In this case, Putin's peers are other authoritarians ... but in Putin's case no one really disputes that he has the support of a majority of Russians; which definitely "sounds like democracy" to me.
Compare that to the US Senate ...
A national leader supported by a majority of their people is difficult to morally condemn. The people can be wrong ... but then it's the people that are condemnable and the leader a mere tool expressing that.
Of course, one may argue that the Russian people only support Putin because of Putin's propaganda ... but good luck trying to convince me there's no propaganda in the West.
We then therefore conclude that all nation-state leaders are morally condemnable, but then we come up against my criteria of comparing people to their peers; there being no reason to single out Putin in particular.
The reason we condemn Hitler, Stalin and Moa, is because their actions go far beyond their peers of national leaders (during the same epoch ... again, if British and other previous genocides are fair game, they become far more banal, just happen to be the last members of the same list: nothing more unusual than that, someone has to called out last in attendance).
Now, my point in explaining all this is not to present my views on these topics, but to point out they have not been debated and they are not my priority so I don't have time to evaluate these topics, take a position, present my arguments and have even more time to defend them.
They would be interesting to debate, but no one is actually debating these issues, but rather engaging in a series of factual denials and unsupported hypotheticals in order to argue against the position that diplomatic resolution involving compromise (sort of necessary for diplomacy to happen) is not the best possible outcome for Ukrainians.