The broad legal issue is: are any judicial gag orders constitutional? Trump isn't special.That is a curtailment of free speech — AmadeusD
Feelings. These play a significant role in the choices we make. We could simulate the role of feelings in software, but neither the hardware nor software would actually experience feelings.What is the fundamental difference between information processed by a mechanical computer and a brain? — Restitutor
You're right, but only if fossil fuels were banned overnight. The best perspective is to consider projections based on the current status quo.People who are opposed to fossil fuels, are against a cheap, reliable, and powerful source of energy. If you take away fossil fuels it will hurt everyone economically, and essentially decrease everyone's quality of life. — Kasperanza
That's irrelevant to the police actions at the time. They aren't clairvoyant. There was a credible threat when the actions were taken.You omitted the fact that no one was found with bombs at the riot. So the "real threat" was in fact not real. — NOS4A2
The other situations were different. For example, in the Kavanaugh protests there were maybe a couple hundred protesters banging on the door of the Supreme Court - they didn't break in, and the number was small enough it could be dealt with by arresting them.When protesters stormed the police barriers during the Kavanaugh hearings, and tried to break into the building, they were arrested. When they broke into the Hart Senate building and protested illegally, they were arrested. When Isreal/Gaza protesters got into the Cannon House Office Building and protested there, they were arrested. That sort of enforcement is justified. What they didn't do was fire "less-than-lethal" weapons into the crowd indiscriminately. What they didn't do was shoot an unarmed woman in the neck. — NOS4A2
Here's a quote from a Capitol police officer:It think it is appropriate to stop people from entering the capitol. Go ahead and arrest them. — NOS4A2
It's highly relevant, and it seems that's why you choose to disregard it. It was a key proceeding mandated by law, one that Trump wanted to corrupt (through Pence) or to stop (through the actions of his unthinking minions).Who cares about official proceedings? It's a stupid point. — NOS4A2
Propaganda? I asked you to identify some lies, and you couldn't find any. Important facts were presented. We learned about the role of the Proud Boys and Oath Keepers, of Rudy's lies, of Trump trying to get the acting AG to lie for him, of Eastman's unconstitutional scheme, and of Trump's pressuring Pence to illegally reject the certified results. It presented an accurate timeline showing Trump's inaction (save for condemning Pence) as the Capitol was broken into. And many more. Your only concern was the fact that there were some presumably innocent people in the crowd that got hurt, while ignoring the context that led to the use of non-lethal force, and ignoring that these innocent people were there based on lies by a man who'd sworn an oath to defend the Constitution.The whole thing was an show trial. I've said this many times. They implicated nothing but their use of public funds to spread propaganda. — NOS4A2
Big surprise: you disregard it because it doesn't fit your preferred narrative. Who would you have wanted to conduct the review? Steve Bannon?The capitol police believed their own actions were justified. Big surprise. — NOS4A2
It's not an a priori truth in the traditional sense, because its falsehood is logically possible. I'm simply saying ~solipsism is a rational belief.Do you suggest that the external world is an inborn (a priori) concept? — Corvus
You omitted the fact that they were fired upon with non-lethal weapons to prevent their entry into the Capitol, that would jeopardize the proceding, and there was a real threat that they could have bombs. They weren't fired upon to stop them protesting.They were fired upon for passing through a barricade erected by police, and for moving toward the capitol during an official proceeding. — NOS4A2
Was it inappropriate to stop people from breaking into the Capitol? You have sidestepped this point. Explain how police could discriminate between those who would be harmful from those who were harmless.I haven't shifted. It is wrong to use force so indiscriminately, especially when those people are only guilty of waving flags and middle fingers. Nothing has changed. — NOS4A2
Sure, worse violence and destruction, but the Capitol situation is unique in that an official proceding required by law to take place on that date was being jeopardized. You treat this as irrelevant, though it was the key point.I'm just making the side point that the entire year prior was filled with far worse violence and destruction, up until and including an attack on the white house — NOS4A2
So you agree the J6 committee told no lies, but you would have liked them to have shown this guy who inadvertantly got hurt by police. The committee was focusing on crimes, but I agree it would have added to the story, implicating Trump's immorality even further. Had he not inflamed his followers with lies (e.g. election was stolen and certification could be prevented) and had he not encouraged them to come to the DC that day, the innocent protestors would not have been hurt. You completely ignore this.my only point that this footage wasn't found in the inquiries,
The right to protest does not confer the right to break the law. It is illegal to pass through a barricade erected by police. Everyone fired upon was guilty of that, and they were fired upon because the crowd was moving toward the Capitol, during an official proceding - a proceeding that (it was known) many in the crowd wanted to stop, and there were good reasons to suspect some might have bombs. It was the duty of police to stop the crowd from illegally entering and disrupting the proceeding.If these people were guilty of something, then they might have deserved such treatment. If they weren’t guilty of any such thing, then they didn’t deserve such treatment. Some people were simply exercising their fundamental rights. The suggestion all of the people there were doing something illegal or were associated with a potential pipe-bomber is unwarranted, as was the indiscriminate application of force. — NOS4A2
You have shifted from an allegation the police did wrong to complaining about a perceived double standard in the media and some politicians. Violence, vandalism, and breaking&entering is wrong in all cases - do you agree? The 2020 crowd engaged in those crimes, but they did not break into the White House or disrupt an official proceeding.Recall that when violent protesters attacked the whitehouse in 2020, removing barriers and violently harming officers and secret service with bricks and urine, defacing monuments, toppling statues, and the like, the press and politicians sang a different tune.
100% had crossed the barricades, and it is impossible for the outmanned police to distinguish the violent from the nonviolent. In 2020, tear gas cannisters were thrown into the crowd - was that also inappropriate?they were unwarranted because it is not clear who is or is not guilty of the crimes you imply they have committed.
Yes, I saw it. It wasn't a trial, it was closer to a grand jury proceeding pusuant to an indictment. I'm waiting for you to identify what lies it contained.I am asking about the J6 committee show trial in particular, the one tasked with investigating and informing the public on the matter. Did you see any of this video in the footage that was sewn together by the Hollywood producer, or at any time throughout the hearing?
...who had breeched the barricades and police lines and after pipe bombs had been found. Are you suggesting the actions of these undermanned police wasn't warranted? Do you think it was a legal act to break into the Capitol?They’re throwing concussion grenades into the crowd of people... — NOS4A2
The video appears to show one guy who took a shot to his face, presumably from police shooting from a distance. Again, were the cops unwarranted in doing so? What would you have them do, under the full context of circumstances? (A context you've ignored)?They’re shooting less-than-lethal rounds into people’s faces.
Are you referring to Stewart Rhodes trial? J6 committee hearings? Please explain what falsehoods came out.Did you see any of this in the J6 show trial?
We didn’t get to see any of this in the J6 inquiry, which used Hollywood producers to gin up a slick narrative, but with the release of the footage we’re finally allowed to see what they hid. Here’s some footage showing Capitol officers using indiscriminate violence against protesters, inciting violence. — NOS4A2
I followed the trail back a bit, and it appears you're referring to his 1/6 speech. If so, it's a red herring. The context is relevant: Trump had been publicly proclaiming the election was stolen since the election night, which ginned up anger in his supporters - including the crazy and violent, like the Oath Keepers and Proud Boys (remember Trump's callout to them during a debate: "stand back and stand by"). They took him seriously then and when he invited his angered supporters to D.C. "Big protest in D.C. on January 6th. Be there, will be wild!" This was despite the fact he'd been told by DOJ leadership, and White House Counsel the fraud allegations were bogus.On the one hand I'd implore you tell me in your own words what was wrong with Trump's speech, but on the other hand I don't need you to because I know what you're going to say. — NOS4A2
No one said the link proved all the claims false. The link was offered in response to the claim Trump had just made.the idea that one statement about a link proved all his claims were false is itself false — NOS4A2
Notice the lawyer said nothing about the pertinent claim about the boxes of ballots being fraudulent. She only mentions the timing.Trump’s lawyer made this claim following Trump’s “I have a better link” comment:
“I will tell you. I’ve seen the tape. The full tape. So has Alex. We’ve watched it. And what we saw and what we’ve confirmed in the timing is that. They made everybody leave, we have sworn affidavits saying that. And then they began to process ballots. And our estimate is that there were roughly 18,000 ballots.” — NOS4A2
The state, not the Federal Government, is responsible for election operations. Fraud claims were made to the State and they were investigated. Nevertheless, the FBI also investigated (see this), and confirmed there was no fraud. Barr testified that he reviewed this with Trump. Then on Dec 27, 2020, deputy AG Richard Donoghue also refuted the claims. These are relevant parts of the context.If there was an investigation and a report, Trump’s team had clearly not seen it and Raffensperger wasn’t offering any.
The evidence was not offered. The lawyers and Mark Meadows requested many times that the two parties meet and compare the numbers, the data, the evidence. But apparently none was forthcoming. — NOS4A2
Absolutely. Read the context. The purpose of the link was explicit - that it showed this fraud claim was false, and Trump clearly declined to see it.) The president of the united states refused to look at a link to a video, and you surmise this as Trump declining to view "refuting evidence". — NOS4A2
It showed the ballots were packed into the boxes by the election workers when they were told to end their day, and then they were told to stay and continue- so they opened them back up.What about the video refuted Trump's claim?
Trump specifically mentioned the "ballots under the table scam" - which is the State Farm ballot boxes I discussed in #1. The fraud claim was disputed and the evidence offered, and yet Trump claimed the Secretary of state was unwilling or unable to answer questions about it. How could Trump have not remembered that exchange from the day before?It is not a lie because you do not know whether Trump believed otherwise. — NOS4A2
Yes, criminality carries obvious risks, and Trump explicitly said they'd broken the law:3) He either insinuated such or you are surmising, without evidence, that he did make such threats. Criminal offenses are in fact big risks. — NOS4A2
Your "response" was to evade the points.You had asked:I have responded to your three points. — NOS4A2
What do you infer from the Georgia phone call and why? — NOS4A2
1)Trump didn't care to see the evidence that disproved his fraud claims. 2) Trump lied about what was said, the day after the call. 3) Trump threatened the governor & Secretary of State. — Relativist
This is the only "response" you made to my points, and it said nothing - it was neither an agreement nor dispute of the inferences I made. So I tried to prompt a real answer:Trump said some things. — NOS4A2
Do you agree with my points? If not, then explain why. — Relativist
Durham fails to mention that at least a preliminary investigation had to be opened to pursue the Papadopoulous lead. He does allude to it being a judgement call as to whether or not it would be preliminary or full. Durham judged a preliminary was more appropriate (he made this judgement before his investigation); but FBI leadership made a different judgement - and it was within their right to do so. He also fails to note that it would have to be raised to full when the Steele material became available- so it's really a non- point. He also fails to note that Crossfire led to the fruitful Mueller investigation, after Trump fired Comey - for the stated purpose of ending the Russia investigation. During Mueller, Trump behaved suspiciously and obstructed justice by dangling pardons to keep people quiet (like Manafort and Stone). The investigation confirmed illegal Russian interference, the Trump campaign's receptiveness to getting the assistance, and the collusion with Julian Assange on release of the stolen DNC emails. These violated no statutes, but it was sleazy - and closer fits the definition of "cheating" than anything done in 2020. Why did Trump want Stone and Manafort to keep quiet? It's suggestive of wanting to hide something, but we'll never get an answer to that because Barr killed it.We are not confident, however, that this is the case. Our investigation gathered evidence that showed that a number of those closest to the investigation believed that the standard arguably had not been met. For example, both
Supervisory Special Agent-1 and UK ALA T-1 described the predication for the investigation as "thin." Even Strzok, who both drafted and approved the Opening EC, said that "there's nothing to this, but we have to run it to ground." Strzok' s view would seem to dictate the opening of the matter as an assessment or, at most, as a preliminary investigation.
Wrong. Some errors were made, but the investigation was warranted. It exposed crimes, exposed corrupt activities by the Trump campaign, and hit a brick wall because of Trump's obstruction of justice.John Durham’s report in combination with the IG report shows it was a hoax and an utter failure in bureaucratic competence. — NOS4A2
Even if NOS believes it not possible for the judge and jury to be objective, he could, still evaluate the evidence and help assess what an objective judge/jury would decide, if it were possible. This would then be a better basis to judge whether or not the process was, or wasn't, fair - in the end.this is something that Trump and NOS deny is possible — Fooloso4
Trump's Georgia phone call, and subsequent lies about it, suggest otherwise. I brought up specific details earlier, and you ignored them. This is what I mean: you don't engage with the details of the case, but simply make general, dismissive claims.The evidence suggests his inferences are utterly baseless. — NOS4A2
Of course you don't "know", but most of us are trying to make an educated guess about the future. This entails trying to objectively evaluate the evidence and the laws, and (I suggest) assuming an objective judge and jury. That's what I've been hoping you would do, but you haven't really engaged directly with the evidence.I don’t know. Unlike Benkei I don’t pretend to know the future. — NOS4A2
They knowingly made false accusations that Trump knowingly made false claims. — NOS4A2
I don’t care if God himself told him the election was legit. You, like Smith, are trying to read Trump’s mind. You in fact do not know that he knowingly made false claims. You know you don’t know because you in fact cannot read minds. You’re guessing, making it up, or being told what to believe, and I’m not sure which is worse. — NOS4A2
. Are you therefore predicting the charges will be dismissed? If not, why not?There is no evidence of any crime or criminal activity — NOS4A2
The firing was secondary. He wanted them to LIE. How is that not corrupt, irrespective of the (il)legality?The president has the authority to fire who he wants, and for whatever reason. Zero corruption there. You have to show that he corruptly defrauded the United States or denied people their rights, all of which is piffle. — NOS4A2
You’d have to prove he did so corruptly. Any quote or admission would suffice, given proper context. Inference by projection or conspiracy theory just doesn’t cut it. — NOS4A2
Prosecution doesn't require the certainty of mind-reading, it merely requires establishing corrupt intent based on evidence. I presented some of the evidence, and you ignored it - labeling all of it "political speech". Perpetrating a fraud is not protected political speech. Asking the acting AG (who clearly knew the election wasn't stolen) to lie entails fraud. If Trump truly believed the election was stolen, it reflects a truly reckless disregard for the truth. The 2 counts of conspiracy to disrupt an official proceeding do not depend on Trump's knowing there was no fraud. By Jan 6, there was no legal recourse even if there actually had been fraud.I don’t care if God himself told him the election was legit. You, like Smith, are trying to read Trump’s mind. You in fact do not know that he knowingly made false claims. You know you don’t know because you in fact cannot read minds. You’re guessing, making it up, or being told what to believe, and I’m not sure which is worse — NOS4A2