@Joshs @Leontiskos @Tom Storm @frank
I do not attempt to re-inscribe a metaphysical binary between reason and emotion — Number2018
You may be wishing to qualify your argument with the above somehow (it’s not “emotion” but power), but a variation of this is happening on multiple levels. I would offer that it avoids making the actual interests, or does not allow them to be, intelligible on their terms. Case in point:
emotional experience and perceived marginality are not retained within rigorous ontological framing. — Number2018
What we are witnessing today is not the philosophical deconstruction of rationalism, but a normative inversion in the public sphere. — Number2018
I take this as guessing that these claims do not attack rationality on its terms, but rather pull the ground out from under it, which I would again argue is only to understand rationality a certain (impersonal) way, assuming that those claims are not expressions of any serious interests. You have judged certain methods to be illegitimate, but I am suggesting we set that determination aside to first understand the concerns themselves (as reflected in the desired criteria). I take one interest to be the acknowledgement that (among other things) our shared terms of judgment make us unaware of certain (various) concerns, and thus unaware of what the unexamined conditions, criteria, consequences, and recourses are currently in place surrounding and affecting those concerns.
escape the dominant power formations. — Number2018
this doctrine of knowledge that literally pushed [Foucault] towards the discovery of a new domain, which would become that of power. — Number2018
The characterization of a claim only as a desire for power again overlooks any underlying interests. Characterizing the claim as “escaping” to a “new domain” is denying the possibility of making those interests intelligible to us, relegating power (or persuasion) as the only option (giving up on actually getting to the bottom of them). And having an interest in adding to, or changing, the “dominant formations” of our practices, our judgments, does not necessitate that the only means are power (unless violence is the only avenue allowed).
I take the claim that “identity” be elevated to an important consideration, is to want the valuation of the human (but not just an individual, or an accounting of its exclusion, to be a necessary part of this type of claim, not just an abstract argument about what should be the case. I would think the initial interest in “power” would merely be to have what is important in these situations be made explicit and accepted; to be allowed to make claims and provide evidence in a discussion of a situation where and when no one has more authority to know or decide what is right.
legitimacy, moral authority, and social control now flow through different channels. — Number2018
It seems like what these are should under consideration. I have suggested that perhaps these claims and those making them have been historically not considered “legitimate” (that we were asleep to them as to people with important concerns), that we have not given them the opportunity to matter to us, not given these issues the importance, say, to impact our society, our practices, our judgments.
practice is subordinated to representation — Number2018
reconfiguration of power through identity — Number2018
expressions of marginalization have begun to function as sufficient sources of epistemic and moral authority. — Number2018
So it appears you are claiming that representation, identity, and marginalization are the interests that are being asked to be criteria for our judgments about… what exactly? (I would venture maybe what we should reconsider of our current practices, the assumptions, what is being ignored, how we attribute value, the basis for response, etc.) Apart from even having that correct, the question is whether these are the most generous, accurate descriptions of the interests taken as seriously as possible.
I’m not sure what these would look like as criteria, but assuming representation is someone being a representative of a certain group, that implies that the interest is that the response should not be decided outside of all the aspects of a life.
they assert themselves as affective self-reference of truth and moral authority, becoming resistant to questioning, nuance, or deliberate reflection. — Number2018
Valuing that someone is representative does mean that not every person’s evidence will carry the same weight as just anyone else. This is a hard pill to swallow for someone that believes one earmark of rationality is that it should be the same for all of us. Here, “questioning” perhaps becomes doubting the importance of their life as a practice; bringing up “nuance” and “reflection” is maybe to suggest we don’t trust that the foundation of their testimony is, ultimately, them (that at a point we become powerless; that rationality at times must cede to other criteria).
If we are interested in identity as an issue, I would think it would be the desire to have control over who I am (how I am to be defined). Marx, Emerson, Nietzsche, Rousseau, etc. would point out that we are already defined, by outside means or conformity to culture or the terms of society, and suggest ways we could assert ourselves. Now even if we don’t believe that we are someone, inherently, we might still appreciate that some of us are unfairly unable to assert ourselves at all. The desire not to be marginalized seems pretty clear; not to be systematically ignored, sidelined, not allowed a voice, or not shown respect, etc.
establishing a cultural norm where a testimony of harm received moral and epistemic authority… the status of the primary epistemic standard. — Number2018
My expression of pain is the best case for our knowing pain (to the extent pain is related to knowledge). Wittgenstein will point out that you can just as equally know my pain in the same way. But I am the only one able (with the authority) to “express” my pain (in that I own the responsibility for that), but the standard to judge its authenticity is just as much yours, thus the possibility to judge the “credibility” of a witness. The thing is that knowledge is not our only relation to pain; when I say “I know you are in pain”, the way it works is that I am accepting (or rejecting) you as a person in pain, the claim your pain makes on me—to take you seriously. Perhaps the interest here is to point out that some testimony is being dismissed because of the inability to see (or trust) the witness as a person, as in: one who it is important to listen to to begin with. Perhaps because we’d rather deny its authenticity than reconcile that amount of pain to a person, I don’t know.
moral claims based solely on feeling hurt or offended. — Number2018
Well this seems impossible to avoid now; the expression of pain (writhing on the ground), solely, by itself, makes a claim on us, to respond. Now, as part of how it works, we can ignore someone’s pain, ignore them, for any number of reasons. We can refuse it as a claim on me to do anything. Perhaps we are scared to, or resent being forced to, accept the claim someone else’s pain makes on us.
this phenomenon likely calls for a deeper philosophical framework to better understand the contemporary affective landscape. — Number2018
I take this as the fundamental misunderstanding, placing rationality as the sole resource. This is not a matter of understanding
through philosophy, but (maybe even philosophically) realizing that the job is understanding people and their interests better.